(VTC News) – Vấn đề di dời các trường ĐH, CĐ có khuôn viên chật hẹp trong khu vực nội thành là một tất yếu. Nhưng hiện nay các trường đều đang vướng mắc ở khâu xin đất và giải phóng mặt bằng. Thậm chí sau khi đã có quỹ đất sạch, vấn đề xây dựng cơ sở như thế nào để đảm bảo hoạt động bình thường của nhà trường cũng khiến nhiều trường băn khoăn.
12 trường trong phương án di dời
Theo đánh giá của Bộ GD&ĐT, thực trạng cơ sở vật chất và thiết bị đào tạo ở các trường ĐH, CĐ mới chỉ đáp ứng ở mức rất thấp. Cụ thể, hệ thống trang thiết bị đào tạo, phòng thí nghiệm, xưởng thực hành mới chỉ đáp ứng được 40% nhu cầu đào tạo; hệ thống cơ sở vật chất mới đáp ứng được 50% nhu cầu; hệ thống thư viện, cơ sở vật chất công nghệ thông tin còn rất yếu...
Theo nhận xét của KTS.TS Trần Thanh Bình, Viện trưởng Viện nghiên cứu thiết kế trường học, ở Hà Nội và cả TP.HCM hiện nay bình quân diện tích các trường quá thấp, phần lớn tổng quỹ đất của các trường nhỏ chủ yếu dưới 10 ha. Trong đó các trường phần lớn đều thiếu các khu chức năng cơ bản, khu học tập có mật độ xây dựng quá cao, môi trường sư phạm không đảm bảo…
Quy mô tuyển sinh các trường ngày càng tăng.
Do đó, nhu cầu giãn các trường ĐH có khuôn viên chật hẹp ở nội thành ngày một trở nên bức bách. Hướng đưa 3 vạn sinh viên ĐHQGHN lên Hòa Lạc cách 30 km với 1.000 ha là một giải pháp tất yếu.
Gần đây, Bộ trưởng Bộ GD&ĐT cũng yêu cầu các đơn vị chức năng rà soát lại quy hoạch của các trường theo hướng di dời ra khỏi nội thành. Phối hợp với bộ, ngành liên quan để tham mưu với chính phủ về cơ chế chính sách đầu tư, di dời các trường ra khỏi nội thành Hà Nội và TP.HCM.
Thứ trưởng Bộ GD&ĐT Bùi Văn Ga: “Nếu chúng ta không có một kế hoạch cụ thể thì rất có thể khoảng 5-10 năm nữa những khu vực có bán kính 50 km xung quanh Hà Nội cũng sẽ không còn quỹ đất dành cho giáo dục mà các lĩnh vực khác sẽ đến trước.”
Theo phương án Sở Quy hoạch Kiến trúc Hà Nội vừa trình UBND thành phố cuối tháng 10/2010, 12 trường ĐH, CĐ sẽ được chuyển ra ngoại thành gồm đại học (ĐH) Công đoàn, ĐH Kinh tế Kỹ thuật Công nghiệp, ĐH Luật Hà Nội, ĐH Ngoại thương, ĐH Răng Hàm Mặt, ĐH Văn hóa Hà Nội, ĐH Xây dựng, ĐH Y Hà Nội, ĐH Y tế Công cộng, Viện ĐH Mở, Cao đẳng Công nghệ cao Hà Nội, Cao đẳng Y tế Hà Nội.
Các trường này được bố trí ở các khu đô thị vệ tinh như Gia Lâm (đào tạo khối Nông nghiệp, Kỹ thuật và Công nghệ), Sóc Sơn (đào tạo là Kỹ thuật, Công nghệ thông tin), Sơn Tây (đào tạo ngành Văn hóa xã hội, Sư phạm, Du lịch, kết hợp với hệ thống trường quân đội hiện có), Hòa Lạc (chủ yếu cho ĐHQG Hà Nội, đào tạo ngành Khoa học cơ bản, Công nghệ, Kỹ thuật, Y dược và các nghiên cứu chuyên sâu).
Chưa có giải pháp đồng bộ
Tại cuộc họp diễn ra ngày 30/11, Bộ GD&ĐT bàn với các trường ĐH, CĐ khu vực Hà Nội về việc di dời các trường ĐH có khuôn viên chật hẹp ra khỏi khu vực nội thành để lắng nghe ý kiến của các trường.
Đại diện trường ĐH Mỏ Địa Chất cho biết hiện tại diện tích trường khoảng 4 ha, số lượng sinh viên trên 15.000 sinh viên. Hiện nay, trường đã được chính phủ đồng ý quy hoạch 50 ha cùng 2 trường ĐH khác tại khu Đông Ngạc. Tuy nhiên, vấn đề giải phóng mặt bằng gặp nhiều khó khăn do khâu đền bù còn vướng mắc. Trong khi đó diện tích trên đang bị các đơn vị khác, dân cư xung quanh đang dần lấn chiếm.
Lãnh đạo trường ĐH Mỏ Địa chất cho hay: “Chúng ta có được đất sạch rồi, muốn làm được nhanh cũng phải nhờ sự giúp đỡ của Bộ GD&ĐT. Kinh phí các trường có hạn, do học phí không mấy thay đổi. Ví dụ năm nay số tiền để giải tỏa khu vực trường là 300 tỷ nhưng năm sau sẽ là 500 tỷ trong khi đó cây cối người ta vẫn trồng”.
Một đại biểu thẳng thắn chia sẻ: “Mặc dù thành phố chỉ đạo nhưng cơ sở cấp huyện, cấp xã phải đồng ý vì nếu trên ép xuống nhưng người ta không cho hoặc không tạo các điều kiện thuận lợi thì việc giải phóng mặt bằng cũng rất khó thực hiện”.
Hầu hết các trường ĐH đều cho rằng khó khăn lớn nhất là tìm được nguồn đất sạch. Vì khi có đất sạch rồi các trường mới có thể kêu gọi được các nhà đầu tư. Theo ý kiến của nhiều trường ĐH, việc tìm nhà đầu tư không khó và mỗi trường sẽ có cách tìm nhà đầu tư theo điều kiện của mình.
ĐH Xây Dựng Hà Nội là một trong số 12 cơ sở ĐH phải di dời khỏi nội thành.
Đại diện của ĐH Xây dựng băn khoăn: “Khi đã có được ủng hộ thì cần chỉ ra đất sạch để các trường đăng ký. Kinh phí xây dựng hạ tầng có thể các trường phải chịu. Nếu như Bộ không cho được "đất sạch" mà yêu cầu các trường đi xin thủ tục từ dưới lên trên thì sẽ rất lâu và không hiệu quả”. Biện pháp trường đưa ra là chính phủ phải có chính sách xã hội hóa bằng nhiều hình thức để giúp đỡ các trường ĐH. Về phía ĐH Xây dựng chỉ cần nhà nước giao cho khu đất sạch, nhà trường có thể huy động các doanh nghiệp.
Để huy động tiền giải phóng mặt bằng và xây dựng cơ sở trường mới, về phía trường ĐH Phương Đông, người đại diện cũng cho rằng, không thể bán toàn bộ diện tích nhà trường trong khu vực nội thành để lấy tiền đầu tư giải phóng mặt bằng và xây trường mới. Lý do là trong khoảng thời gian chờ trường mới thì nhà trường vẫn phải đảm bảo yêu cầu hoạt động dạy và học.
Vấn đề này được hiệu trưởng ĐH Sư phạm Hà Nội nhấn mạnh vì việc di dời các trường ĐH ra ngoại thành không thể "treo" cả kế hoạch hoạt động của nhà trường. Cần tính đến yếu tố không để gián đoạn thời gian học của sinh viên.
Theo Thứ trưởng Bộ GD&ĐT Bùi Văn Ga, việc di dời các trường toàn bộ hay một phần là một tất yếu và bắt buộc các trường phải thực hiện tùy vào điều kiện cụ thể của từng trường.
Ngày 1/12, lãnh đạo Bộ GD&ĐT tiếp tục có cuộc làm việc với các trường ĐH, CĐ trong khu vực TP. HCM bàn về vấn đề di dời các trường ĐH có khuôn viên chật hẹp trong khu vực nội thành. Sau các cuộc họp này, lãnh đạo Bộ GD&ĐT sẽ đưa ra các biện pháp cần thiết giúp các trường tháo gỡ khó khăn.
Phạm Thịnh
28/3/11
Đại học “nhà phố": Chen chúc nội thành
Đại học “nhà phố": Chen chúc nội thành
Cập nhật lúc 17:15, Thứ Hai, 27/12/2010 (GMT+7)
Để tổ chức giảng dạy ngay trong nội thành các thành phố lớn, nhiều trường ĐH sử dụng những cơ sở phân tán, nhỏ hẹp vài ngàn mét vuông, thậm chí là vài trăm mét vuông. Trong hoàn cảnh đó, những yêu cầu nâng cao điều kiện dạy học, đảm bảo môi trường sư phạm đang ngày càng trở nên xa vời.
Là một trong những trường ĐH trọng điểm, Trường ĐH Xây dựng Hà Nội nằm ở vị trí đẹp tại Hà Nội. Nhưng chỉ cần bước qua cổng chính của trường đã thấy ngộp thở vì khoảng trống còn lại duy nhất là khoảng sân bêtông quá nhỏ so với khuôn viên chính của một trường ĐH, xung quanh được bao kín bởi các tòa nhà cao thấp. Với hơn 38.000m2, hiện Trường ĐH Xây dựng có diện tích đất bình quân chỉ đạt 2,2m2/sinh viên.
Cơi nới tối đa
Cách đấy không xa, Viện ĐH Mở Hà Nội còn chật chội hơn với duy nhất một tòa nhà, chưa đủ bố trí phòng làm việc cho các phòng ban. Nhìn vào cơ sở chính của viện, không ai nghĩ đây là một trường ĐH vì tòa nhà đã được cơi nới, chắp vá như một khu chung cư cũ nhìn xuống một khoảng sân chật hẹp. Tất cả các khoa của viện phải đi thuê địa điểm bên ngoài để làm lớp học rải rác ở nhiều nơi.
Trường ĐH Ngoại thương sau khi được đầu tư xây dựng đã có thêm tòa nhà mới, có đủ diện tích xây dựng giảng đường, thư viện đạt chuẩn. Đổi lại, trường không còn khuôn viên, không còn sân bãi cho sinh viên tập luyện... Với diện tích đất bình quân chỉ đạt 2,3m2/sinh viên, hiện Trường ĐH Ngoại thương đang quá tải về mật độ xây dựng, không còn đất cho các tiện ích cần thiết khác của một trường ĐH.
Sinh viên Trường ĐH Luật TP.HCM phải chen chúc trong giảng đường chật chội tại cơ sở Tân Thuận (Q.7, TP.HCM) được trường thuê trong khi chờ trường xây cơ sở mới - (Ảnh: Anh Khôi)
Đó cũng là tình cảnh chung về cơ sở vật chất của các trường ĐH ở Hà Nội: hiếm có những trường ĐH có diện tích trên 10ha và còn quỹ đất cho xây dựng. Các trường có thể xoay xở để xây dựng thêm một vài tòa nhà, nâng diện tích giảng đường, phòng làm việc nhưng phải giảm phần diện tích đất tạo nên không gian cho một cơ sở đào tạo ĐH. Sân bóng hiếm hoi có trong khuôn viên Trường ĐH Khoa học tự nhiên (ĐH Quốc gia Hà Nội) cũng được tận dụng xây dựng giảng đường. Sân bãi để dành cho tập luyện thể dục thể thao, các hoạt động ngoài trời của sinh viên vì thế rất hạn chế.
Trong khi đó, cơ sở H (số 1A Hoàng Diệu, Q.Phú Nhuận, TP.HCM) của Trường ĐH Kinh tế TP.HCM là cơ sở nhỏ nhất trong sáu cơ sở của trường với diện tích đất chỉ 520m2 gồm sáu phòng học và vài phòng làm việc. Cơ sở B (279 Nguyễn Tri Phương, Q.10) là cơ sở lớn nhất của trường có 55.000m2 với 51 phòng học. Thế nhưng tổng số sinh viên của trường này đã lên hơn 41.000 (trong đó hơn 21.000 sinh viên chính quy tập trung). Tương tự, cơ sở 134 Nguyễn Đình Chiểu, Q.3 của Trường ĐH Kiến trúc TP.HCM có diện tích đất chỉ 500m2 và diện tích sàn xây dựng 1.500m2.
Rải rác nhiều nơi
Không chỉ chật hẹp, nhiều trường có cơ sở manh mún, nằm rải rác, phân tán khắp nơi trong thành phố. Tại TP.HCM, trong khối các trường ngoài công lập, Trường ĐH Hồng Bàng hiện nay đang giữ kỷ lục là trường có số cơ sở đào tạo nhiều nhất với 10 cơ sở nằm rải rác khắp các quận nội thành. Phần lớn đều nhỏ bé và đầu tư tạm bợ, chưa đúng chuẩn của một cơ sở phục vụ giáo dục ĐH.
Trường ĐH Văn Hiến TP.HCM là một trong số các trường sau hơn 10 năm thành lập vẫn chưa có cơ sở đào tạo chính thức, phải đi thuê mướn chỗ dạy khắp nơi. Hiện trường đang thuê bốn cơ sở ở các quận của TP.HCM: 4, 12, Phú Nhuận, Tân Bình. Tình trạng các cơ sở này cũng đều rất nhỏ bé. Ông Nguyễn Mộng Hùng, hiệu trưởng nhà trường, cho biết: “Mỗi năm nhà trường phải chi 7 tỉ đồng thuê bốn cơ sở dạy học. Các cơ sở phân tán khiến gặp không ít khó khăn trong quản lý, tổ chức giảng dạy...”.
Trong khi đó, ở khối các trường ĐH công lập, Trường ĐH Kinh tế TP.HCM hiện có sáu cơ sở đào tạo nằm phân tán ở nhiều quận nội thành. Theo PGS.TS Nguyễn Ngọc Định - phó hiệu trưởng nhà trường, ngoài sáu cơ sở trên trường còn phải thuê thêm phòng học ở Trường CĐ Kinh tế TP.HCM và Trường CĐ Bách Việt vào các buổi tối trong tuần để dạy sinh viên hệ liên thông.
Ngoài ra, trường còn phải thuê sân Phú Thọ, sân Phan Đình Phùng để dạy môn giáo dục thể chất cho sinh viên. Nhiều trường ĐH công lập vẫn còn trong tình trạng đi thuê mướn cơ sở bên ngoài làm nơi dạy học. Sinh viên những trường này liên tục có ý kiến phản ảnh việc phải vất vả “chạy” học giữa các cơ sở cách xa nhau hàng chục cây số.
TS Trần Thanh Bình, viện trưởng Viện Nghiên cứu thiết kế trường học, nhận định: “Các trường ĐH, CĐ tại TP.HCM có bình quân diện tích đất quá thấp, thiếu các khu chức năng cơ bản, mật độ xây dựng tại khu học tập quá cao, chất lượng quy hoạch thấp, môi trường sư phạm không đảm bảo, tổ chức không gian kiến trúc nghèo nàn và giao thông bất tiện...”.
Các trường lại nằm xen lẫn trong khu dân cư nên gặp nhiều khó khăn và tốn kém nếu muốn mở rộng đầu tư, cải thiện điều kiện đô thị và nâng cấp chất lượng dịch vụ công cộng đáp ứng yêu cầu của giảng viên và sinh viên. Đây là lý do dẫn đến môi trường sư phạm ngày càng xuống cấp nghiêm trọng, ảnh hưởng trực tiếp đến chất lượng đào tạo và sự phát triển của các trường về mọi phương diện.
Dưới 1m2/ sinh viên
Chỉ tiêu bình quân diện tích đất/sinh viên và bình quân diện tích đất/đơn vị trường quá thấp so với tiêu chuẩn xây dựng trường ĐH VN (55-85m2/sinh viên). Theo số liệu thống kê mới nhất từ 32 trường ĐH, CĐ trong nội thành TP.HCM, tổng diện tích đất hiện có là 256,2ha, bình quân chung số mét vuông diện tích đất/sinh viên quy chuẩn đạt khoảng 12,9m2, bằng xấp xỉ 50% tiêu chí đất đai để thành lập trường theo quy định. Có đến 17/32 trường chỉ có bình quân 0,4-9m2/sinh viên quy chuẩn: Trường ĐH Sư phạm TP.HCM 0,44m2/sinh viên, Trường ĐH Ngoại ngữ - tin học TP.HCM 0,46m2/sinh viên, Trường ĐH Hồng Bàng 0,51m2/sinh viên...
Theo Trần Huỳnh - Thanh Hà
Tuổi Trẻ
Cập nhật lúc 17:15, Thứ Hai, 27/12/2010 (GMT+7)
Để tổ chức giảng dạy ngay trong nội thành các thành phố lớn, nhiều trường ĐH sử dụng những cơ sở phân tán, nhỏ hẹp vài ngàn mét vuông, thậm chí là vài trăm mét vuông. Trong hoàn cảnh đó, những yêu cầu nâng cao điều kiện dạy học, đảm bảo môi trường sư phạm đang ngày càng trở nên xa vời.
Là một trong những trường ĐH trọng điểm, Trường ĐH Xây dựng Hà Nội nằm ở vị trí đẹp tại Hà Nội. Nhưng chỉ cần bước qua cổng chính của trường đã thấy ngộp thở vì khoảng trống còn lại duy nhất là khoảng sân bêtông quá nhỏ so với khuôn viên chính của một trường ĐH, xung quanh được bao kín bởi các tòa nhà cao thấp. Với hơn 38.000m2, hiện Trường ĐH Xây dựng có diện tích đất bình quân chỉ đạt 2,2m2/sinh viên.
Cơi nới tối đa
Cách đấy không xa, Viện ĐH Mở Hà Nội còn chật chội hơn với duy nhất một tòa nhà, chưa đủ bố trí phòng làm việc cho các phòng ban. Nhìn vào cơ sở chính của viện, không ai nghĩ đây là một trường ĐH vì tòa nhà đã được cơi nới, chắp vá như một khu chung cư cũ nhìn xuống một khoảng sân chật hẹp. Tất cả các khoa của viện phải đi thuê địa điểm bên ngoài để làm lớp học rải rác ở nhiều nơi.
Trường ĐH Ngoại thương sau khi được đầu tư xây dựng đã có thêm tòa nhà mới, có đủ diện tích xây dựng giảng đường, thư viện đạt chuẩn. Đổi lại, trường không còn khuôn viên, không còn sân bãi cho sinh viên tập luyện... Với diện tích đất bình quân chỉ đạt 2,3m2/sinh viên, hiện Trường ĐH Ngoại thương đang quá tải về mật độ xây dựng, không còn đất cho các tiện ích cần thiết khác của một trường ĐH.
Sinh viên Trường ĐH Luật TP.HCM phải chen chúc trong giảng đường chật chội tại cơ sở Tân Thuận (Q.7, TP.HCM) được trường thuê trong khi chờ trường xây cơ sở mới - (Ảnh: Anh Khôi)
Đó cũng là tình cảnh chung về cơ sở vật chất của các trường ĐH ở Hà Nội: hiếm có những trường ĐH có diện tích trên 10ha và còn quỹ đất cho xây dựng. Các trường có thể xoay xở để xây dựng thêm một vài tòa nhà, nâng diện tích giảng đường, phòng làm việc nhưng phải giảm phần diện tích đất tạo nên không gian cho một cơ sở đào tạo ĐH. Sân bóng hiếm hoi có trong khuôn viên Trường ĐH Khoa học tự nhiên (ĐH Quốc gia Hà Nội) cũng được tận dụng xây dựng giảng đường. Sân bãi để dành cho tập luyện thể dục thể thao, các hoạt động ngoài trời của sinh viên vì thế rất hạn chế.
Trong khi đó, cơ sở H (số 1A Hoàng Diệu, Q.Phú Nhuận, TP.HCM) của Trường ĐH Kinh tế TP.HCM là cơ sở nhỏ nhất trong sáu cơ sở của trường với diện tích đất chỉ 520m2 gồm sáu phòng học và vài phòng làm việc. Cơ sở B (279 Nguyễn Tri Phương, Q.10) là cơ sở lớn nhất của trường có 55.000m2 với 51 phòng học. Thế nhưng tổng số sinh viên của trường này đã lên hơn 41.000 (trong đó hơn 21.000 sinh viên chính quy tập trung). Tương tự, cơ sở 134 Nguyễn Đình Chiểu, Q.3 của Trường ĐH Kiến trúc TP.HCM có diện tích đất chỉ 500m2 và diện tích sàn xây dựng 1.500m2.
Rải rác nhiều nơi
Không chỉ chật hẹp, nhiều trường có cơ sở manh mún, nằm rải rác, phân tán khắp nơi trong thành phố. Tại TP.HCM, trong khối các trường ngoài công lập, Trường ĐH Hồng Bàng hiện nay đang giữ kỷ lục là trường có số cơ sở đào tạo nhiều nhất với 10 cơ sở nằm rải rác khắp các quận nội thành. Phần lớn đều nhỏ bé và đầu tư tạm bợ, chưa đúng chuẩn của một cơ sở phục vụ giáo dục ĐH.
Trường ĐH Văn Hiến TP.HCM là một trong số các trường sau hơn 10 năm thành lập vẫn chưa có cơ sở đào tạo chính thức, phải đi thuê mướn chỗ dạy khắp nơi. Hiện trường đang thuê bốn cơ sở ở các quận của TP.HCM: 4, 12, Phú Nhuận, Tân Bình. Tình trạng các cơ sở này cũng đều rất nhỏ bé. Ông Nguyễn Mộng Hùng, hiệu trưởng nhà trường, cho biết: “Mỗi năm nhà trường phải chi 7 tỉ đồng thuê bốn cơ sở dạy học. Các cơ sở phân tán khiến gặp không ít khó khăn trong quản lý, tổ chức giảng dạy...”.
Trong khi đó, ở khối các trường ĐH công lập, Trường ĐH Kinh tế TP.HCM hiện có sáu cơ sở đào tạo nằm phân tán ở nhiều quận nội thành. Theo PGS.TS Nguyễn Ngọc Định - phó hiệu trưởng nhà trường, ngoài sáu cơ sở trên trường còn phải thuê thêm phòng học ở Trường CĐ Kinh tế TP.HCM và Trường CĐ Bách Việt vào các buổi tối trong tuần để dạy sinh viên hệ liên thông.
Ngoài ra, trường còn phải thuê sân Phú Thọ, sân Phan Đình Phùng để dạy môn giáo dục thể chất cho sinh viên. Nhiều trường ĐH công lập vẫn còn trong tình trạng đi thuê mướn cơ sở bên ngoài làm nơi dạy học. Sinh viên những trường này liên tục có ý kiến phản ảnh việc phải vất vả “chạy” học giữa các cơ sở cách xa nhau hàng chục cây số.
TS Trần Thanh Bình, viện trưởng Viện Nghiên cứu thiết kế trường học, nhận định: “Các trường ĐH, CĐ tại TP.HCM có bình quân diện tích đất quá thấp, thiếu các khu chức năng cơ bản, mật độ xây dựng tại khu học tập quá cao, chất lượng quy hoạch thấp, môi trường sư phạm không đảm bảo, tổ chức không gian kiến trúc nghèo nàn và giao thông bất tiện...”.
Các trường lại nằm xen lẫn trong khu dân cư nên gặp nhiều khó khăn và tốn kém nếu muốn mở rộng đầu tư, cải thiện điều kiện đô thị và nâng cấp chất lượng dịch vụ công cộng đáp ứng yêu cầu của giảng viên và sinh viên. Đây là lý do dẫn đến môi trường sư phạm ngày càng xuống cấp nghiêm trọng, ảnh hưởng trực tiếp đến chất lượng đào tạo và sự phát triển của các trường về mọi phương diện.
Dưới 1m2/ sinh viên
Chỉ tiêu bình quân diện tích đất/sinh viên và bình quân diện tích đất/đơn vị trường quá thấp so với tiêu chuẩn xây dựng trường ĐH VN (55-85m2/sinh viên). Theo số liệu thống kê mới nhất từ 32 trường ĐH, CĐ trong nội thành TP.HCM, tổng diện tích đất hiện có là 256,2ha, bình quân chung số mét vuông diện tích đất/sinh viên quy chuẩn đạt khoảng 12,9m2, bằng xấp xỉ 50% tiêu chí đất đai để thành lập trường theo quy định. Có đến 17/32 trường chỉ có bình quân 0,4-9m2/sinh viên quy chuẩn: Trường ĐH Sư phạm TP.HCM 0,44m2/sinh viên, Trường ĐH Ngoại ngữ - tin học TP.HCM 0,46m2/sinh viên, Trường ĐH Hồng Bàng 0,51m2/sinh viên...
Theo Trần Huỳnh - Thanh Hà
Tuổi Trẻ
Đại học Việt: Nửa trường, nửa… chợ?
ác trường ĐH hiện nay luôn ở trong tình trạng “nửa trường, nửa chợ”. Người ta lấy cái gần về khoảng cách để định hình lối sống, cách sống, cách nghĩ.
Tôi có quan niệm: “Ra chợ, nhìn vào các sạp hàng thì biết được đời sống của người dân. Còn nhìn vào cảnh quan, môi trường đại học thì biết được tương lai đất nước”. Chính vì vậy mà kinh tế nước ta đang phát triển với tốc độ khá cao, nhưng nhiều người không mấy lạc quan vì cảnh quan, môi trường giáo dục ĐH Việt Nam đang rất tệ hại. Hầu như không có trường nào có diện tích đủ rộng để xây dựng cơ sở hạ tầng và tạo cảnh quan sư phạm phù hợp.
Thực trạng đáng buồn, xin đừng đổ lỗi cho tiền nhân
Căn cứ vào con số thống kê mới nhất, hiện nay Việt Nam có 406 trường ĐH và CĐ (196 trường ĐH, 210 trường CĐ), nhưng hầu như không có trường nào có cảnh quan, môi trường phù hợp tiêu chí một cơ sở giáo dục ĐH hiện đại.
Hai thành phố lớn là Hà Nội và TP HCM chiếm khoảng 1/3 số lượng trường và tình hình thuộc loại tồi tệ nhất. Các trường ĐH nằm trên những đường phố đông đúc, ồn ào, bụi bặm, chật chội…Ví dụ, ĐH Luật TP HCM cộng cả hai cơ sở lại mới được 0,7 ha! Còn ĐH Luật Hà Nội, sau khi bán cơ sở ở Thường Tín cho hãng Coca Cola, về chen chúc trên đường Nguyễn Chí Thanh trong khoảnh đất bé tí.
Với diện tích như vậy thì nói gì tới xây dựng cảnh quan, môi trường sư phạm rộng rãi, thoáng đãng để sinh viên bay bổng trong nhận thức và tư duy của mình!?
Đừng đổ lỗi cho tiền nhân! Lúc sơ khai, các trường ĐH của ta đâu chật chội như vậy. Khi thành lập, ĐH Bách khoa HN có diện tích lên tới hàng trăm ha và nằm ở một vị trí rất đẹp, cạnh công viên Thống Nhất. Nay khuôn viên của trường bị “chia 5, xẻ 7″ cho vài ba trường ĐH khác nữa. Thậm chí có hẳn một đơn vị hành chính là phường Bách Khoa với hàng vạn nhân khẩu nằm gọn trong vùng đất mà trước kia là khuôn viên của trường.
Hà Nội đã từng có những “khu đô thị ĐH” ở Cầu Giấy và Thanh Xuân. Vài chục năm về trước, ở đó chỉ có những khu giảng đường, ký túc xá và những cánh đồng rộng rãi. Ấy thế mà bây giờ nhà cửa như nêm, muốn tìm một chỗ yên tĩnh ở nơi này cũng khó. Vậy mà đây lại là nơi trú ngụ của các trường ĐH trọng điểm của đất nước!
Các trường ĐH: Nửa trường, nửa… chợ
Rất nhiều trường ĐH chen chúc ở nội thành HN hiện nay đã từng có cơ sở rộng rãi ở ngoại vi. Đó là ĐH Luật ở Thường Tín, ĐH Xây dựng ở Hương Canh, ĐH Cảnh sát ở Suối Hai, ĐH Kỹ thuật Quân sự ở Phúc Yên… Vì cho rằng ở những nơi đó là xa, không có điều kiện phát triển nên họ đã bỏ những nơi đó. Thật là đáng tiếc!
Bây giờ thậm chí phải đi xa hơn chưa chắc đã tìm ra đất. Chính Thứ trưởng Bùi Văn Ga đã nói: “Nếu chúng ta không có một kế hoạch cụ thể thì rất có thể khoảng 5-10 năm nữa những khu vực có bán kính 50 km xung quanh HN cũng sẽ không còn quỹ đất dành cho giáo dục mà các lĩnh vực khác sẽ đến trước.”
Tại sao trong thời gian qua những người có trách nhiệm trong ngành giáo dục ĐH lại có thể tư duy và hành động như những “chủ cửa hàng tạp hóa” như vậy? Hơn ai hết, họ phải biết rằng, cảnh quan, môi trường là một trong những yếu tố quan trọng tác động tới chất lượng đào tạo chứ? Hàng trăm năm trước, người Mỹ đã chứng minh được cảnh quan, môi trường ảnh hưởng tới chất lượng học tập của sinh viên.
Khuôn viên của trường càng rộng, thoáng, nhiều cây xanh càng có ảnh hưởng tốt tới tư duy của sinh viên. Vì vậy, đại đa số các trường ĐH ở Mỹ đều nằm ở ngoại vi thành phố với diện tích hàng trăm ha trở lên. Ở đó có cây xanh, vườn hoa, bãi đỗ xe, sân vận động, những con đường để sinh viên đi dạo…
Đã có nhiều cán bộ của ta đi thăm quan, học hỏi nhưng họ chẳng thu hoạch được gì khi phát biểu: “Tưởng các trường ĐH bên Mỹ thì oai lắm, ai ngờ hầu hết ở tít trên miền núi!”.
Sinh viên thiếu sân chơi
Với tầm nhìn và tư duy như vậy nên các trường ĐH hiện nay luôn ở trong tình trạng “nửa trường, nửa chợ”. Người ta lấy cái gần về khoảng cách để định hình lối sống, cách sống, cách nghĩ.
Ngày nay nên đo khoảng cách bằng thời gian chứ không phải bằng km. Ví dụ, người ta hỏi nhau: “Đi từ Mỹ Đình lên Hòa Lạc mất bao nhiêu phút?”. “Chỉ mất 20 phút!”. “Còn đi từ Bờ Hồ đến Hà Đông mất bao lâu?”. “Có khi phải hàng tiếng đồng hồ”. Thực tế là có khi đi 30 km chỉ mất 20 phút, trong khi đi 10 km mất 60 phút.
Đây chính là một gợi ý về quan niệm xa gần.
Muốn giáo dục ĐH phải… “chết”?
Thật ra, trong số những người lãnh đạo cũng có người nhìn ra việc phải chuyển các trường ĐH đến nơi rộng rãi và môi trường trong lành hơn. Bằng chứng là hàng chục năm trước, Chính phủ đã quyết định cấp cho ĐH Quốc gia HN một khu đất rộng mênh mông, ở Hòa Lạc (cách trung tâm HN trên 30 km). Việc di dời các trường ĐH đến chỗ rộng rãi và yên tĩnh hơn đã được nghĩ tới từ lâu, được khẳng định đi, khẳng định lại là rất quan trọng.
Thứ trưởng Bộ GD và ĐT Bùi Văn Ga nói: “Quyết định di dời các trường ra ngoại thành không phải vì quá tải cơ sở hạ tầng ở thành phố mà là sự sống còn của ngành giáo dục…”. Nói như vậy là đã rất quyết liệt và đúng với đòi hỏi hiện nay. Nếu không di dời các trường ĐH đến nơi rộng rãi, thoáng đãng hơn, ngành giáo dục sẽ… “chết”.
Căn cứ vào tiến độ, cách thức xây dựng ĐHQG HN ở Hòa Lạc và ý kiến của những người lãnh đạo các trường ĐH hiện nay thì thấy có vẻ như ngành giáo dục sẽ phải “chết”. Hàng chục năm đã trôi qua, thậm chí đã làm lễ động thổ, nhưng trên khu đất rộng và đẹp của ĐHQG HN vẫn trống không, thậm chí đã bị người ta xâu xé, sử dụng vào mục đích khác. Còn lãnh đạo các trường, ai cũng kêu di dời là cần thiết, nhưng rất khó vì không có đất “sạch” và tiền.
Có người còn không ngần ngại nêu ý kiến: Nhất trí di dời, nhưng vẫn giữ cơ sở ở nội thành?
Một bộ phận lãnh đạo, giáo viên các trường ĐH có nhà cửa đàng hoàng ở nội thành, nay ngại đi xa. Một trong những lý do mà ĐHQG HN chưa dám di dời là vì nhiều giáo viên giỏi “bóng gió” nếu phải lên Hòa Lạc, họ sẽ bỏ trường. Giáo viên giỏi chưa bỏ vì trường chưa di dời, nhưng nhiều lãnh đạo nòng cốt đã bỏ trường để ngồi vào những vị trí “ngon lành” hơn, gần Hồ Gươm hơn.
Phải quyết liệt như hồi chiến tranh
Tổng hợp các ý kiến của lãnh đạo các trường ĐH ở HN và TP HCM trong 2 cuộc gặp gỡ, làm việc vừa qua, có thể thấy việc di dời các trường ĐH ra ngoại thành là việc rất khó thực hiện. Cái khó nằm ngay trong cách nghĩ và cách tiếp cận vấn đề của những người lãnh đạo các trường. Đại đa số lãnh đạo các trường đều kêu khó vì không có đất “sạch” và thiếu kinh phí, thủ tục rườm rà… Thoạt nghe thì tất cả đều có lý, nhưng thực chất là họ vẫn chưa nhận thức rõ tầm quan trọng của cảnh quan, môi trường đối với chất lượng giáo dục ĐH, và hơn nữa, là ngại khó.
Nếu chiều theo ý kiến của đa số lãnh đạo các trường ĐH phải di dời thì việc di dời có lẽ chẳng bao giờ diễn ra. Do đó, ngành GD và ĐT cần có thái độ chỉ đạo rốt ráo. Nay là thời bình nhưng nên tư duy và hành động nên quyết liệt và dứt khoát như thời chiến tranh. Trong những năm đó, hầu hết các trường ĐH ở HN đều sơ tán về nông thôn; nhận lệnh buổi sáng, buổi chiều tiến hành ngay. Thế mà ở nơi mới, thầy và trò với nhà tranh, vách đất vẫn dạy và học bình thường.
Nay điều kiện của chúng ta khác xưa, tốt hơn rất nhiều nhưng chúng ta lại chần chừ, cân nhắc, ngụy biện, và để tình trạng các trường ĐH trong cảnh “nửa trường, nửa chợ”. Để “cứu” giáo dục ĐH Việt Nam, xin những người có trách nhiệm hãy quyết liệt như tinh thần của những tháng năm đi sơ tán.
Nguồn: TVN
Tôi có quan niệm: “Ra chợ, nhìn vào các sạp hàng thì biết được đời sống của người dân. Còn nhìn vào cảnh quan, môi trường đại học thì biết được tương lai đất nước”. Chính vì vậy mà kinh tế nước ta đang phát triển với tốc độ khá cao, nhưng nhiều người không mấy lạc quan vì cảnh quan, môi trường giáo dục ĐH Việt Nam đang rất tệ hại. Hầu như không có trường nào có diện tích đủ rộng để xây dựng cơ sở hạ tầng và tạo cảnh quan sư phạm phù hợp.
Thực trạng đáng buồn, xin đừng đổ lỗi cho tiền nhân
Căn cứ vào con số thống kê mới nhất, hiện nay Việt Nam có 406 trường ĐH và CĐ (196 trường ĐH, 210 trường CĐ), nhưng hầu như không có trường nào có cảnh quan, môi trường phù hợp tiêu chí một cơ sở giáo dục ĐH hiện đại.
Hai thành phố lớn là Hà Nội và TP HCM chiếm khoảng 1/3 số lượng trường và tình hình thuộc loại tồi tệ nhất. Các trường ĐH nằm trên những đường phố đông đúc, ồn ào, bụi bặm, chật chội…Ví dụ, ĐH Luật TP HCM cộng cả hai cơ sở lại mới được 0,7 ha! Còn ĐH Luật Hà Nội, sau khi bán cơ sở ở Thường Tín cho hãng Coca Cola, về chen chúc trên đường Nguyễn Chí Thanh trong khoảnh đất bé tí.
Với diện tích như vậy thì nói gì tới xây dựng cảnh quan, môi trường sư phạm rộng rãi, thoáng đãng để sinh viên bay bổng trong nhận thức và tư duy của mình!?
Đừng đổ lỗi cho tiền nhân! Lúc sơ khai, các trường ĐH của ta đâu chật chội như vậy. Khi thành lập, ĐH Bách khoa HN có diện tích lên tới hàng trăm ha và nằm ở một vị trí rất đẹp, cạnh công viên Thống Nhất. Nay khuôn viên của trường bị “chia 5, xẻ 7″ cho vài ba trường ĐH khác nữa. Thậm chí có hẳn một đơn vị hành chính là phường Bách Khoa với hàng vạn nhân khẩu nằm gọn trong vùng đất mà trước kia là khuôn viên của trường.
Hà Nội đã từng có những “khu đô thị ĐH” ở Cầu Giấy và Thanh Xuân. Vài chục năm về trước, ở đó chỉ có những khu giảng đường, ký túc xá và những cánh đồng rộng rãi. Ấy thế mà bây giờ nhà cửa như nêm, muốn tìm một chỗ yên tĩnh ở nơi này cũng khó. Vậy mà đây lại là nơi trú ngụ của các trường ĐH trọng điểm của đất nước!
Các trường ĐH: Nửa trường, nửa… chợ
Rất nhiều trường ĐH chen chúc ở nội thành HN hiện nay đã từng có cơ sở rộng rãi ở ngoại vi. Đó là ĐH Luật ở Thường Tín, ĐH Xây dựng ở Hương Canh, ĐH Cảnh sát ở Suối Hai, ĐH Kỹ thuật Quân sự ở Phúc Yên… Vì cho rằng ở những nơi đó là xa, không có điều kiện phát triển nên họ đã bỏ những nơi đó. Thật là đáng tiếc!
Bây giờ thậm chí phải đi xa hơn chưa chắc đã tìm ra đất. Chính Thứ trưởng Bùi Văn Ga đã nói: “Nếu chúng ta không có một kế hoạch cụ thể thì rất có thể khoảng 5-10 năm nữa những khu vực có bán kính 50 km xung quanh HN cũng sẽ không còn quỹ đất dành cho giáo dục mà các lĩnh vực khác sẽ đến trước.”
Tại sao trong thời gian qua những người có trách nhiệm trong ngành giáo dục ĐH lại có thể tư duy và hành động như những “chủ cửa hàng tạp hóa” như vậy? Hơn ai hết, họ phải biết rằng, cảnh quan, môi trường là một trong những yếu tố quan trọng tác động tới chất lượng đào tạo chứ? Hàng trăm năm trước, người Mỹ đã chứng minh được cảnh quan, môi trường ảnh hưởng tới chất lượng học tập của sinh viên.
Khuôn viên của trường càng rộng, thoáng, nhiều cây xanh càng có ảnh hưởng tốt tới tư duy của sinh viên. Vì vậy, đại đa số các trường ĐH ở Mỹ đều nằm ở ngoại vi thành phố với diện tích hàng trăm ha trở lên. Ở đó có cây xanh, vườn hoa, bãi đỗ xe, sân vận động, những con đường để sinh viên đi dạo…
Đã có nhiều cán bộ của ta đi thăm quan, học hỏi nhưng họ chẳng thu hoạch được gì khi phát biểu: “Tưởng các trường ĐH bên Mỹ thì oai lắm, ai ngờ hầu hết ở tít trên miền núi!”.
Sinh viên thiếu sân chơi
Với tầm nhìn và tư duy như vậy nên các trường ĐH hiện nay luôn ở trong tình trạng “nửa trường, nửa chợ”. Người ta lấy cái gần về khoảng cách để định hình lối sống, cách sống, cách nghĩ.
Ngày nay nên đo khoảng cách bằng thời gian chứ không phải bằng km. Ví dụ, người ta hỏi nhau: “Đi từ Mỹ Đình lên Hòa Lạc mất bao nhiêu phút?”. “Chỉ mất 20 phút!”. “Còn đi từ Bờ Hồ đến Hà Đông mất bao lâu?”. “Có khi phải hàng tiếng đồng hồ”. Thực tế là có khi đi 30 km chỉ mất 20 phút, trong khi đi 10 km mất 60 phút.
Đây chính là một gợi ý về quan niệm xa gần.
Muốn giáo dục ĐH phải… “chết”?
Thật ra, trong số những người lãnh đạo cũng có người nhìn ra việc phải chuyển các trường ĐH đến nơi rộng rãi và môi trường trong lành hơn. Bằng chứng là hàng chục năm trước, Chính phủ đã quyết định cấp cho ĐH Quốc gia HN một khu đất rộng mênh mông, ở Hòa Lạc (cách trung tâm HN trên 30 km). Việc di dời các trường ĐH đến chỗ rộng rãi và yên tĩnh hơn đã được nghĩ tới từ lâu, được khẳng định đi, khẳng định lại là rất quan trọng.
Thứ trưởng Bộ GD và ĐT Bùi Văn Ga nói: “Quyết định di dời các trường ra ngoại thành không phải vì quá tải cơ sở hạ tầng ở thành phố mà là sự sống còn của ngành giáo dục…”. Nói như vậy là đã rất quyết liệt và đúng với đòi hỏi hiện nay. Nếu không di dời các trường ĐH đến nơi rộng rãi, thoáng đãng hơn, ngành giáo dục sẽ… “chết”.
Căn cứ vào tiến độ, cách thức xây dựng ĐHQG HN ở Hòa Lạc và ý kiến của những người lãnh đạo các trường ĐH hiện nay thì thấy có vẻ như ngành giáo dục sẽ phải “chết”. Hàng chục năm đã trôi qua, thậm chí đã làm lễ động thổ, nhưng trên khu đất rộng và đẹp của ĐHQG HN vẫn trống không, thậm chí đã bị người ta xâu xé, sử dụng vào mục đích khác. Còn lãnh đạo các trường, ai cũng kêu di dời là cần thiết, nhưng rất khó vì không có đất “sạch” và tiền.
Có người còn không ngần ngại nêu ý kiến: Nhất trí di dời, nhưng vẫn giữ cơ sở ở nội thành?
Một bộ phận lãnh đạo, giáo viên các trường ĐH có nhà cửa đàng hoàng ở nội thành, nay ngại đi xa. Một trong những lý do mà ĐHQG HN chưa dám di dời là vì nhiều giáo viên giỏi “bóng gió” nếu phải lên Hòa Lạc, họ sẽ bỏ trường. Giáo viên giỏi chưa bỏ vì trường chưa di dời, nhưng nhiều lãnh đạo nòng cốt đã bỏ trường để ngồi vào những vị trí “ngon lành” hơn, gần Hồ Gươm hơn.
Phải quyết liệt như hồi chiến tranh
Tổng hợp các ý kiến của lãnh đạo các trường ĐH ở HN và TP HCM trong 2 cuộc gặp gỡ, làm việc vừa qua, có thể thấy việc di dời các trường ĐH ra ngoại thành là việc rất khó thực hiện. Cái khó nằm ngay trong cách nghĩ và cách tiếp cận vấn đề của những người lãnh đạo các trường. Đại đa số lãnh đạo các trường đều kêu khó vì không có đất “sạch” và thiếu kinh phí, thủ tục rườm rà… Thoạt nghe thì tất cả đều có lý, nhưng thực chất là họ vẫn chưa nhận thức rõ tầm quan trọng của cảnh quan, môi trường đối với chất lượng giáo dục ĐH, và hơn nữa, là ngại khó.
Nếu chiều theo ý kiến của đa số lãnh đạo các trường ĐH phải di dời thì việc di dời có lẽ chẳng bao giờ diễn ra. Do đó, ngành GD và ĐT cần có thái độ chỉ đạo rốt ráo. Nay là thời bình nhưng nên tư duy và hành động nên quyết liệt và dứt khoát như thời chiến tranh. Trong những năm đó, hầu hết các trường ĐH ở HN đều sơ tán về nông thôn; nhận lệnh buổi sáng, buổi chiều tiến hành ngay. Thế mà ở nơi mới, thầy và trò với nhà tranh, vách đất vẫn dạy và học bình thường.
Nay điều kiện của chúng ta khác xưa, tốt hơn rất nhiều nhưng chúng ta lại chần chừ, cân nhắc, ngụy biện, và để tình trạng các trường ĐH trong cảnh “nửa trường, nửa chợ”. Để “cứu” giáo dục ĐH Việt Nam, xin những người có trách nhiệm hãy quyết liệt như tinh thần của những tháng năm đi sơ tán.
Nguồn: TVN
Đổi mới phương pháp dạy học - Một chặng đường cộng hưởng
(GD&TĐ) - Đổi mới phương pháp dạy học (ĐMPPDH) song hành cùng đổi mới chương trình – sách giáo khoa (CT-SGK) đã được tiến hành hơn chục năm qua một cách kiên trì, bền bỉ và rộng khắp. Tuy chưa thật sự đạt được mức độ tương xứng với yên cầu đổi mới GD phổ thông, nhưng việc đổi mới CT-SGK đi kèm với ĐMPPDH của giáo viên (GV) đã làm cho việc học của học sinh trở nên tích cực hơn, chủ động hơn, làm tiền đề cho các em phát triển bản thân tốt hơn cả trong hiện tại và tương lai. Điều này đặc biệt được thể hiện từ khi nhiệm vụ ĐMPPDH có sự cộng hưởng của phong trào “Xây dựng trường học thân thiện, học sinh tích cực (THTT,HSTC)” và cuộc vận động “Mỗi thầy giáo cô giáo là một tấm gương đạo đức, tự học và sáng tạo”.
Hiệu ứng từ đổi mới phương pháp dạy học
Những đòi hỏi cả về đội ngũ GV và cơ sở vật chất để ĐMPPDH đã mang lại những đổi thay ở mọi nhà trường trong quá trình thực hiện CT-SGK mới. Trước đây, nếu như bảng đen, phấn trắng, bàn ghế thông thường và cuốn giáo án viết tay là những công cụ phổ biến để dạy và học; thì nay, không gian lớp học – nơi diễn ra quá trình dạy và học, đã thay đổi hẳn. Không chỉ là những dãy bàn ghế kê thẳng hàng tăm tắp mà là sự linh hoạt tùy theo hình thức tổ chức dạy học mà GV tiến hành, cốt làm sao để việc dạy và học đều trở nên tích cực. Không chỉ là phấn trắng bảng đen mà còn có sự phối hợp với máy tính xách tay, bảng tương tác, máy chiếu…Hoạt động trong lớp học không còn là sự độc diễn của GV với những thuyết trình dài dằng dặc triền miên mà còn là sự tương tác tích cực của HS, để quá trình tiếp thu kiến thức không còn thụ động nữa. Nhà trường không chỉ khang trang về khuôn viên xây dựng, cảnh quan mà còn có thêm nhiều trang thiết bị hiện đại phục vụ cho việc dạy-học theo hướng đổi mới. Hệ thống thư viện được chú trọng cả về lượng và chất thông tin, lại có những sáng tạo mới để tạo ra các thư viện lưu động, thư viện xanh phục vụ mọi nhu cầu và đối tượng tiếp nhận thông tin. Hệ thống mạng internet được kết nối là một công cụ hữu hiệu để GV và HS có một kho tư liệu tham khảo cần thiết. HS được định hướng tự học dựa trên kiến thức và kỹ năng chuẩn do GV cung cấp trên lớp.
Đội ngũ GV cũng được tăng cường cả về số lượng và chất lượng đáp ứng yêu cầu dạy và học mới. Họ được bồi dưỡng tập huấn để thực hiện các kỹ thuật dạy học mới theo phương pháp và quy trình mới, được tạo các điều kiện cần thiết để tiến hành những đổi mới về phương pháp đáp ứng đổi mới của CT-SGK. Việc ĐMPPDH không chỉ là trách nhiệm mà còn là quyền lợi của mỗi GV, để họ có thể khẳng định vị thế của mình với học trò, đồng nghiệp và phụ huynh.
Nói như thế không có nghĩa là việc ĐMPPDH đã thật là hoàn hảo, có hình hài rõ nét với mọi GV, mọi nhà trường. Cần có sự nhận thức sâu sắc hơn nữa về nội dung, phương pháp thực hiện việc đổi mới này. Việc bồi dưỡng, tập huấn về ĐMPPDH đôi khi còn dàn trải, thiếu hiệu quả, nặng về hình thức. Điều kiện cơ sở vật chất đáp ứng yêu cầu ĐMPPDH cũng chưa được đảm bảo. Lao động của GV vẫn còn nhiều áp lực mà việc ĐMPPDH cũng là một trong những áp lực đó, làm cho chính việc ĐMPPDH có khi chưa thật sự có động lực tự thân của mỗi GV.
Tiếp nhận sự cộng hưởng từ nhiều phía, công cuộc ĐMPPDH đã có những “cú hích” để phát triển lên một tầm mới
Cú hích tích cực từ sự cộng hưởng
Đổi mới phương pháp dạy học phù hợp với mục tiêu, nội dung dạy học là yếu tố gần như bắt buộc và có thể coi là xương sống của đổi mới giáo dục phổ thông, như Thứ trưởng Nguyễn Vinh Hiển đã có lần khẳng định. Xác định tầm quan trọng của phương pháp dạy học đối với việc nâng cao chất lượng giáo dục, rất nhiều dự án giáo dục đã coi việc đầu tư cho bồi dưỡng tập huấn ĐMPPDH, đầu tư trang thiết bị dạy học hiện đại là một thành phần hoạt động ưu tiên. Tập trung nhất là trong khoảng 5 năm trở lại đây. Các dự án như Phát triển GD trung học, Phát triển giáo viên THPT và TCCN, Việt-Bỉ, Phát triển GDTHCS2, Oxfam…đều có những hoạt động phục vụ cho ĐMPPDH của GV. Nhiều hội thảo, đợt bồi dưỡng, tập huấn đã được tổ chức, rút ra nhiều kinh nghiệm cả về lý luận và thực tiễn cho vấn đề này. Đặc biệt, dự án Việt-Bỉ có phạm vi hoạt động là 15 tỉnh miền núi phía Bắc nhưng sản phẩm về ĐMPPDH do dự án xây dựng đã được phổ biến toàn quốc trước khi Dự án kết thúc vào năm 2010; Dự án phát triển GV THPT và TCCN tổ chức một hội thảo lớn về Bồi dưỡng Giáo viên ĐMPPDH năm 2008, có sự tham gia phối hợp của nhiều dự án khác và các cơ quan nghiên cứu khoa học giáo dục, gây được ấn tượng tốt cho các đại biểu tham dự. Ngoài ra là các hội thảo về ĐMPPDH, đổi mới kiểm tra đánh giá cũng đã được Bộ GD-ĐT tổ chức, tạo nên một nội hàm mới cho công tác ĐMPPDH, đó là đổi mới kiểm tra đánh giá để tác động trở lại đối với ĐMPPDH. Mới đây, Dự án phát triển GD THCS 2 còn được Bộ GD-ĐT giao nhiệm vụ xây dựng mô hình trường THCS tổ chức hoạt động ĐMPPDH. Đây là một việc làm có ý nghĩa lớn để tổng kết mô hình, triển khai Kết luận của Phó Thủ tướng Nguyễn Thiện Nhân tại Hội nghị Chỉ đạo quản lý hoạt động ĐMPPDH ở các trường phổ thông tổ chức đầu năm 2009. Lần đầu tiên, ĐMPPDH đã được đưa lên tầm chỉ đạo, quản lý, với sự chủ trì của Phó Thủ tướng, cho thấy tầm quan trọng, cấp bách của việc ĐMPPDH. Việc ĐMPPDH không chỉ còn là việc của riêng giáo viên, mà phải trở thành nhiệm vụ trọng tâm của tất cả các cấp quản lý từ Trung ương tới địa phương.
ĐMPPDH còn nhận được sự cộng hưởng tích cực từ cuộc vận động “Mỗi thầy giáo, cô giáo là một tấm gương đạo đức, tự học và sáng tạo” được phát động vào năm học 2007-2008. Cũng trong năm học này, Phó Thủ tướng-Bộ trưởng Bộ GD-ĐT Nguyễn Thiện Nhân đã trực tiếp phát động phong trào thi đua “Xây dựng trường học thân thiện, học sinh tích cực”, trong đó có một nội dung rất quan trọng là Dạy và học hiệu quả thông qua ĐMPPDH của GV và phương pháp học tập của HS, khái quát là Dạy và học tích cực. Sự thân thiện và tích cực là hai phạm trù không thể tách rời, bổ sung và tác động lẫn nhau khi thực hiện các nội dung của phong trào thi đua. Việc ĐMPPDH chỉ hiệu quả khi đề cao được trách nhiệm của đội ngũ GV trong môi trường sư phạm thân thiện và phát huy được vai trò tích cực học tập của HS. Việc áp dụng phương pháp dạy và học tích cực là giải pháp có tầm quan trọng quyết định đối với việc nâng cao chất lượng giáo dục toàn diện của nhà trường. Việc Dự án phát triển GD THCS 2 được giao nhiệm vụ hỗ trợ triển khai phong trào thi đua “Xây dựng trường học thân thiện, học sinh tích cực”, đồng thời được Bộ GD-ĐT tiếp tục giao thực hiện xây dựng mô hình trường THCS tổ chức hoạt động ĐMPPDH chính là sự khẳng định ĐMPPDH là một phần quan trọng, không thể thiếu của 5 nội dung thi đua xây dựng THTT, HSTC, không chỉ đối với cấp THCS.
Cho đến thời điểm này, khi tiếp nhận sự cộng hưởng từ nhiều phía, công cuộc ĐMPPDH đã có những “cú hích” để phát triển lên một tầm mới, có được “hình hài” rõ nét cả về nội dung tiêu chí và phương pháp đánh giá, cả về kỹ thuật thực hiện cụ thể và công tác chỉ đạo, quản lý, để GD Việt Nam không chỉ nâng cao chất lượng mà còn hội nhập được với các nền giáo dục tiên tiến khác trên thế giới. Khi đã có một quy trình, phương pháp và kỹ thuật ĐMPPDH, cũng như có được những yếu tố nền tảng để dạy học có chất lượng (đạo đức, kiến thức kỹ năng, sáng kiến thích ứng, giao tiếp hợp tác) thì dù tiếp cận với bất cứ sự đổi thay nào về mặt nội dung chương trình, người GV và cán bộ quản lý giáo dục đều có thể có những sự thích ứng linh hoạt, hiệu quả.
Nguyễn Hoàng
http://www.gdtd.vn/channel/2762/201103/Doi-moi-phuong-phap-day-hoc-Mot-chang-duong-cong-huong-1943254/
Hiệu ứng từ đổi mới phương pháp dạy học
Những đòi hỏi cả về đội ngũ GV và cơ sở vật chất để ĐMPPDH đã mang lại những đổi thay ở mọi nhà trường trong quá trình thực hiện CT-SGK mới. Trước đây, nếu như bảng đen, phấn trắng, bàn ghế thông thường và cuốn giáo án viết tay là những công cụ phổ biến để dạy và học; thì nay, không gian lớp học – nơi diễn ra quá trình dạy và học, đã thay đổi hẳn. Không chỉ là những dãy bàn ghế kê thẳng hàng tăm tắp mà là sự linh hoạt tùy theo hình thức tổ chức dạy học mà GV tiến hành, cốt làm sao để việc dạy và học đều trở nên tích cực. Không chỉ là phấn trắng bảng đen mà còn có sự phối hợp với máy tính xách tay, bảng tương tác, máy chiếu…Hoạt động trong lớp học không còn là sự độc diễn của GV với những thuyết trình dài dằng dặc triền miên mà còn là sự tương tác tích cực của HS, để quá trình tiếp thu kiến thức không còn thụ động nữa. Nhà trường không chỉ khang trang về khuôn viên xây dựng, cảnh quan mà còn có thêm nhiều trang thiết bị hiện đại phục vụ cho việc dạy-học theo hướng đổi mới. Hệ thống thư viện được chú trọng cả về lượng và chất thông tin, lại có những sáng tạo mới để tạo ra các thư viện lưu động, thư viện xanh phục vụ mọi nhu cầu và đối tượng tiếp nhận thông tin. Hệ thống mạng internet được kết nối là một công cụ hữu hiệu để GV và HS có một kho tư liệu tham khảo cần thiết. HS được định hướng tự học dựa trên kiến thức và kỹ năng chuẩn do GV cung cấp trên lớp.
Đội ngũ GV cũng được tăng cường cả về số lượng và chất lượng đáp ứng yêu cầu dạy và học mới. Họ được bồi dưỡng tập huấn để thực hiện các kỹ thuật dạy học mới theo phương pháp và quy trình mới, được tạo các điều kiện cần thiết để tiến hành những đổi mới về phương pháp đáp ứng đổi mới của CT-SGK. Việc ĐMPPDH không chỉ là trách nhiệm mà còn là quyền lợi của mỗi GV, để họ có thể khẳng định vị thế của mình với học trò, đồng nghiệp và phụ huynh.
Nói như thế không có nghĩa là việc ĐMPPDH đã thật là hoàn hảo, có hình hài rõ nét với mọi GV, mọi nhà trường. Cần có sự nhận thức sâu sắc hơn nữa về nội dung, phương pháp thực hiện việc đổi mới này. Việc bồi dưỡng, tập huấn về ĐMPPDH đôi khi còn dàn trải, thiếu hiệu quả, nặng về hình thức. Điều kiện cơ sở vật chất đáp ứng yêu cầu ĐMPPDH cũng chưa được đảm bảo. Lao động của GV vẫn còn nhiều áp lực mà việc ĐMPPDH cũng là một trong những áp lực đó, làm cho chính việc ĐMPPDH có khi chưa thật sự có động lực tự thân của mỗi GV.
Tiếp nhận sự cộng hưởng từ nhiều phía, công cuộc ĐMPPDH đã có những “cú hích” để phát triển lên một tầm mới
Cú hích tích cực từ sự cộng hưởng
Đổi mới phương pháp dạy học phù hợp với mục tiêu, nội dung dạy học là yếu tố gần như bắt buộc và có thể coi là xương sống của đổi mới giáo dục phổ thông, như Thứ trưởng Nguyễn Vinh Hiển đã có lần khẳng định. Xác định tầm quan trọng của phương pháp dạy học đối với việc nâng cao chất lượng giáo dục, rất nhiều dự án giáo dục đã coi việc đầu tư cho bồi dưỡng tập huấn ĐMPPDH, đầu tư trang thiết bị dạy học hiện đại là một thành phần hoạt động ưu tiên. Tập trung nhất là trong khoảng 5 năm trở lại đây. Các dự án như Phát triển GD trung học, Phát triển giáo viên THPT và TCCN, Việt-Bỉ, Phát triển GDTHCS2, Oxfam…đều có những hoạt động phục vụ cho ĐMPPDH của GV. Nhiều hội thảo, đợt bồi dưỡng, tập huấn đã được tổ chức, rút ra nhiều kinh nghiệm cả về lý luận và thực tiễn cho vấn đề này. Đặc biệt, dự án Việt-Bỉ có phạm vi hoạt động là 15 tỉnh miền núi phía Bắc nhưng sản phẩm về ĐMPPDH do dự án xây dựng đã được phổ biến toàn quốc trước khi Dự án kết thúc vào năm 2010; Dự án phát triển GV THPT và TCCN tổ chức một hội thảo lớn về Bồi dưỡng Giáo viên ĐMPPDH năm 2008, có sự tham gia phối hợp của nhiều dự án khác và các cơ quan nghiên cứu khoa học giáo dục, gây được ấn tượng tốt cho các đại biểu tham dự. Ngoài ra là các hội thảo về ĐMPPDH, đổi mới kiểm tra đánh giá cũng đã được Bộ GD-ĐT tổ chức, tạo nên một nội hàm mới cho công tác ĐMPPDH, đó là đổi mới kiểm tra đánh giá để tác động trở lại đối với ĐMPPDH. Mới đây, Dự án phát triển GD THCS 2 còn được Bộ GD-ĐT giao nhiệm vụ xây dựng mô hình trường THCS tổ chức hoạt động ĐMPPDH. Đây là một việc làm có ý nghĩa lớn để tổng kết mô hình, triển khai Kết luận của Phó Thủ tướng Nguyễn Thiện Nhân tại Hội nghị Chỉ đạo quản lý hoạt động ĐMPPDH ở các trường phổ thông tổ chức đầu năm 2009. Lần đầu tiên, ĐMPPDH đã được đưa lên tầm chỉ đạo, quản lý, với sự chủ trì của Phó Thủ tướng, cho thấy tầm quan trọng, cấp bách của việc ĐMPPDH. Việc ĐMPPDH không chỉ còn là việc của riêng giáo viên, mà phải trở thành nhiệm vụ trọng tâm của tất cả các cấp quản lý từ Trung ương tới địa phương.
ĐMPPDH còn nhận được sự cộng hưởng tích cực từ cuộc vận động “Mỗi thầy giáo, cô giáo là một tấm gương đạo đức, tự học và sáng tạo” được phát động vào năm học 2007-2008. Cũng trong năm học này, Phó Thủ tướng-Bộ trưởng Bộ GD-ĐT Nguyễn Thiện Nhân đã trực tiếp phát động phong trào thi đua “Xây dựng trường học thân thiện, học sinh tích cực”, trong đó có một nội dung rất quan trọng là Dạy và học hiệu quả thông qua ĐMPPDH của GV và phương pháp học tập của HS, khái quát là Dạy và học tích cực. Sự thân thiện và tích cực là hai phạm trù không thể tách rời, bổ sung và tác động lẫn nhau khi thực hiện các nội dung của phong trào thi đua. Việc ĐMPPDH chỉ hiệu quả khi đề cao được trách nhiệm của đội ngũ GV trong môi trường sư phạm thân thiện và phát huy được vai trò tích cực học tập của HS. Việc áp dụng phương pháp dạy và học tích cực là giải pháp có tầm quan trọng quyết định đối với việc nâng cao chất lượng giáo dục toàn diện của nhà trường. Việc Dự án phát triển GD THCS 2 được giao nhiệm vụ hỗ trợ triển khai phong trào thi đua “Xây dựng trường học thân thiện, học sinh tích cực”, đồng thời được Bộ GD-ĐT tiếp tục giao thực hiện xây dựng mô hình trường THCS tổ chức hoạt động ĐMPPDH chính là sự khẳng định ĐMPPDH là một phần quan trọng, không thể thiếu của 5 nội dung thi đua xây dựng THTT, HSTC, không chỉ đối với cấp THCS.
Cho đến thời điểm này, khi tiếp nhận sự cộng hưởng từ nhiều phía, công cuộc ĐMPPDH đã có những “cú hích” để phát triển lên một tầm mới, có được “hình hài” rõ nét cả về nội dung tiêu chí và phương pháp đánh giá, cả về kỹ thuật thực hiện cụ thể và công tác chỉ đạo, quản lý, để GD Việt Nam không chỉ nâng cao chất lượng mà còn hội nhập được với các nền giáo dục tiên tiến khác trên thế giới. Khi đã có một quy trình, phương pháp và kỹ thuật ĐMPPDH, cũng như có được những yếu tố nền tảng để dạy học có chất lượng (đạo đức, kiến thức kỹ năng, sáng kiến thích ứng, giao tiếp hợp tác) thì dù tiếp cận với bất cứ sự đổi thay nào về mặt nội dung chương trình, người GV và cán bộ quản lý giáo dục đều có thể có những sự thích ứng linh hoạt, hiệu quả.
Nguyễn Hoàng
http://www.gdtd.vn/channel/2762/201103/Doi-moi-phuong-phap-day-hoc-Mot-chang-duong-cong-huong-1943254/
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Đó là nhận định của ThS Nguyễn Hoài Chương, phó giám đốc Sở GD-ĐT TP.HCM, tại hội thảo “Người hiệu trưởng trong đổi mới quản lý giáo dục” do Phòng GD-ĐT quận Phú Nhuận, TP.HCM tổ chức sáng 26-3. Đi kèm với những trọng trách xã hội là vô vàn khó khăn, nhiều rào cản đối với họ...
Áp lực từ nhiều phía
Tại hội thảo, cô Nguyễn Thị Minh Châu - hiệu trưởng Trường tiểu học Hồ Văn Huê, quận Phú Nhuận - nêu thực tế: “Vấn đề tồn đọng khá lâu trong giáo dục là việc tuyển dụng, sắp xếp, bố trí đội ngũ cán bộ quản lý không đúng vị trí. Thế nên mới xảy ra tình trạng cán bộ chỉ “hồng” mà không “chuyên”. Một số nơi có kiểu bố trí cán bộ theo mối quan hệ hơn là năng lực, phẩm chất. Hai kiểu này đều dẫn tới những hạn chế trong quản lý và chậm tiến bộ đổi mới. Việc không chịu đổi mới tại các trường hiện nay còn thể hiện ở chỗ: phân cấp không triệt để, đổi mới chỉ diễn ra trên giấy, dừng lại ở cấp UBND quận huyện, còn nhà trường thì thiếu chủ động”.
Giáo viên mong đợi gì ở hiệu trưởng?
Mong mỏi lớn của giáo viên đối với người hiệu trưởng là việc đổi mới quản lý phải làm cho thu nhập của họ tăng lên. Kế đến là việc ổn định đời sống giáo viên, giảm áp lực công việc và phát triển năng lực giảng dạy của giáo viên. Đây là kết quả khảo sát của ThS Phan Tấn Chí đối với 480 giáo viên tại TP.HCM, Bà Rịa - Vũng Tàu, Cần Thơ, Kiên Giang.
ThS Chí nêu giải pháp: “Hiệu trưởng phải tiết kiệm trong sử dụng nguồn thu, tìm kiếm các nguồn hỗ trợ bên ngoài, cần giảm bớt hội họp và các thủ tục rườm rà, cải tiến chế độ thông tin trong nhà trường để kịp thời nghe các ý kiến phản hồi của giáo viên...”.
Theo ThS Phan Tấn Chí - phó trưởng khoa cơ sở Trường Cán bộ quản lý giáo dục TP.HCM: “Lâu nay, hiệu trưởng các trường bị chi phối và chịu áp lực từ nhiều phía để đuổi theo kết quả là tỉ lệ tốt nghiệp qua các kỳ thi cuối cấp. Các trường đang gặp rào cản từ phía học sinh khi học sinh ngày càng có nhiều hành vi lệch chuẩn, xem việc học để hiểu biết không quan trọng bằng học để thi. Hiệu trưởng có dám làm khác xu thế này không?”.
Trong khi đó, ngay cả vấn đề tự chủ tài chính trong nhà trường hiện chỉ mới thực hiện ở các trường THPT. Còn bậc THCS, tiểu học chưa tự chủ được dẫn đến lương, thưởng cho giáo viên rất thấp.
“Một số hiệu trưởng chưa nhìn nhận rõ quan điểm mới về quản lý nhà trường, vẫn quản lý bằng mệnh lệnh, hành chính theo phương thức một chiều. Chưa chú ý đến sự phát triển năng lực của giáo viên, học sinh. Chưa thật sự chủ động, tự chịu trách nhiệm, vẫn chờ đợi sự chỉ đạo từ cơ quan cấp trên” - ThS Dương Thái Thanh Nhàn, chuyên viên Phòng GD-ĐT quận Phú Nhuận, đưa ra ý kiến.
Chân dung hiệu trưởng thời kỳ mới
TS Đinh Phương Duy, chủ tịch Hội Tâm lý giáo dục TP.HCM, đã “vẽ” lên bức chân dung người hiệu trưởng trong thời kỳ mới: “Hiệu trưởng cần được trang bị kỹ năng mềm để có đủ tự tin điều hành nhà trường như một doanh nghiệp nhưng không làm mất bản sắc nhà trường phổ thông. Người hiệu trưởng cần đẹp hơn, uy nghi hơn, hoạt bát hơn, lưu loát hơn, lạc quan hơn, tự chủ hơn, độc lập hơn... và đặc biệt phải giàu có hơn để có đủ tâm sức, tư duy hành động với ưu thế của một nhà quản trị hiện đại”.
Cô Võ Thị Hạnh Thảo - hiệu trưởng Trường tiểu học Cao Bá Quát, Q.Phú Nhuận - cho rằng để đổi mới quản lý giáo dục từ cơ sở cần phải gỡ bỏ nhiều mối ràng buộc. Hiệu trưởng nên giao quyền tuyệt đối cho giáo viên trong việc lựa chọn phương pháp giảng dạy vì không ai hiểu rõ học sinh bằng chính họ. Cũng không ai hiểu rõ những người thầy bằng chính những người thầy trong việc xác định điểm mạnh, điểm yếu của họ.
“Tiếp theo là cần dỡ bỏ áp lực chạy theo chương trình. Ai cũng biết việc chạy theo thành tích ảnh hưởng đến chất lượng và phương pháp giảng dạy của người thầy, nếu không muốn nói việc ấy gián tiếp cổ vũ việc đọc chép trên lớp. Nên lấy hiệu quả tiết dạy và quá trình tiến bộ của học sinh làm cơ sở đánh giá giáo viên. Thêm nữa, cần xem lại việc lạm dụng bài giảng điện tử. Đây là phương pháp dạy học hiện đại nhưng hệ quả là tạo ra hàng loạt bài giảng giống nhau bất kể trình độ học sinh - điều đại kỵ trong giáo dục” - cô Thảo khẳng định.
PHÚC ĐIỀN
http://tuoitre.vn/Giao-duc/430725/Thao-go-rao-can-cho-hieu-truong.html
Thầy Trần Mậu Minh (bìa phải) - hiệu trưởng Trường THCS Trần Văn Ơn, Q.1, TP.HCM - trao đổi với phụ huynh việc học hành của học sinh lớp 9. Thầy là một trong những hiệu trưởng có nhiều sáng kiến đổi mới - Ảnh: Như Hùng
Đó là nhận định của ThS Nguyễn Hoài Chương, phó giám đốc Sở GD-ĐT TP.HCM, tại hội thảo “Người hiệu trưởng trong đổi mới quản lý giáo dục” do Phòng GD-ĐT quận Phú Nhuận, TP.HCM tổ chức sáng 26-3. Đi kèm với những trọng trách xã hội là vô vàn khó khăn, nhiều rào cản đối với họ...
Áp lực từ nhiều phía
Tại hội thảo, cô Nguyễn Thị Minh Châu - hiệu trưởng Trường tiểu học Hồ Văn Huê, quận Phú Nhuận - nêu thực tế: “Vấn đề tồn đọng khá lâu trong giáo dục là việc tuyển dụng, sắp xếp, bố trí đội ngũ cán bộ quản lý không đúng vị trí. Thế nên mới xảy ra tình trạng cán bộ chỉ “hồng” mà không “chuyên”. Một số nơi có kiểu bố trí cán bộ theo mối quan hệ hơn là năng lực, phẩm chất. Hai kiểu này đều dẫn tới những hạn chế trong quản lý và chậm tiến bộ đổi mới. Việc không chịu đổi mới tại các trường hiện nay còn thể hiện ở chỗ: phân cấp không triệt để, đổi mới chỉ diễn ra trên giấy, dừng lại ở cấp UBND quận huyện, còn nhà trường thì thiếu chủ động”.
Giáo viên mong đợi gì ở hiệu trưởng?
Mong mỏi lớn của giáo viên đối với người hiệu trưởng là việc đổi mới quản lý phải làm cho thu nhập của họ tăng lên. Kế đến là việc ổn định đời sống giáo viên, giảm áp lực công việc và phát triển năng lực giảng dạy của giáo viên. Đây là kết quả khảo sát của ThS Phan Tấn Chí đối với 480 giáo viên tại TP.HCM, Bà Rịa - Vũng Tàu, Cần Thơ, Kiên Giang.
ThS Chí nêu giải pháp: “Hiệu trưởng phải tiết kiệm trong sử dụng nguồn thu, tìm kiếm các nguồn hỗ trợ bên ngoài, cần giảm bớt hội họp và các thủ tục rườm rà, cải tiến chế độ thông tin trong nhà trường để kịp thời nghe các ý kiến phản hồi của giáo viên...”.
Theo ThS Phan Tấn Chí - phó trưởng khoa cơ sở Trường Cán bộ quản lý giáo dục TP.HCM: “Lâu nay, hiệu trưởng các trường bị chi phối và chịu áp lực từ nhiều phía để đuổi theo kết quả là tỉ lệ tốt nghiệp qua các kỳ thi cuối cấp. Các trường đang gặp rào cản từ phía học sinh khi học sinh ngày càng có nhiều hành vi lệch chuẩn, xem việc học để hiểu biết không quan trọng bằng học để thi. Hiệu trưởng có dám làm khác xu thế này không?”.
Trong khi đó, ngay cả vấn đề tự chủ tài chính trong nhà trường hiện chỉ mới thực hiện ở các trường THPT. Còn bậc THCS, tiểu học chưa tự chủ được dẫn đến lương, thưởng cho giáo viên rất thấp.
“Một số hiệu trưởng chưa nhìn nhận rõ quan điểm mới về quản lý nhà trường, vẫn quản lý bằng mệnh lệnh, hành chính theo phương thức một chiều. Chưa chú ý đến sự phát triển năng lực của giáo viên, học sinh. Chưa thật sự chủ động, tự chịu trách nhiệm, vẫn chờ đợi sự chỉ đạo từ cơ quan cấp trên” - ThS Dương Thái Thanh Nhàn, chuyên viên Phòng GD-ĐT quận Phú Nhuận, đưa ra ý kiến.
Chân dung hiệu trưởng thời kỳ mới
TS Đinh Phương Duy, chủ tịch Hội Tâm lý giáo dục TP.HCM, đã “vẽ” lên bức chân dung người hiệu trưởng trong thời kỳ mới: “Hiệu trưởng cần được trang bị kỹ năng mềm để có đủ tự tin điều hành nhà trường như một doanh nghiệp nhưng không làm mất bản sắc nhà trường phổ thông. Người hiệu trưởng cần đẹp hơn, uy nghi hơn, hoạt bát hơn, lưu loát hơn, lạc quan hơn, tự chủ hơn, độc lập hơn... và đặc biệt phải giàu có hơn để có đủ tâm sức, tư duy hành động với ưu thế của một nhà quản trị hiện đại”.
Cô Võ Thị Hạnh Thảo - hiệu trưởng Trường tiểu học Cao Bá Quát, Q.Phú Nhuận - cho rằng để đổi mới quản lý giáo dục từ cơ sở cần phải gỡ bỏ nhiều mối ràng buộc. Hiệu trưởng nên giao quyền tuyệt đối cho giáo viên trong việc lựa chọn phương pháp giảng dạy vì không ai hiểu rõ học sinh bằng chính họ. Cũng không ai hiểu rõ những người thầy bằng chính những người thầy trong việc xác định điểm mạnh, điểm yếu của họ.
“Tiếp theo là cần dỡ bỏ áp lực chạy theo chương trình. Ai cũng biết việc chạy theo thành tích ảnh hưởng đến chất lượng và phương pháp giảng dạy của người thầy, nếu không muốn nói việc ấy gián tiếp cổ vũ việc đọc chép trên lớp. Nên lấy hiệu quả tiết dạy và quá trình tiến bộ của học sinh làm cơ sở đánh giá giáo viên. Thêm nữa, cần xem lại việc lạm dụng bài giảng điện tử. Đây là phương pháp dạy học hiện đại nhưng hệ quả là tạo ra hàng loạt bài giảng giống nhau bất kể trình độ học sinh - điều đại kỵ trong giáo dục” - cô Thảo khẳng định.
PHÚC ĐIỀN
http://tuoitre.vn/Giao-duc/430725/Thao-go-rao-can-cho-hieu-truong.html
18/12/10
International Benchmarking with the Best Universities: Policy and Practice in Mainland China and Taiwan
Ka Ho Moka and Ying Chanb
1. aFaculty of Social Sciences, The University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam Road, Hong Kong, China. E-mail: ka-ho.mok@hku.hk
2. bGraduate Institute of Higher Education, Tamkang University, Taiwan
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Abstract
With a strong conviction to enhance their global competitiveness, governments across different parts of the world have tried various means to promote the ranking of their universities in the global university leagues. With a strong determination to do better in such global ranking exercises, universities in mainland China and Taiwan have attempted to restructure their university systems and have searched for new governance strategies in order to make their universities more competitive in the global world. This article critically examines major policies introduced and strategies employed by governments in mainland China and Taiwan in benchmarking their universities internationally with world-class universities.
Keywords:
world-class university, international benchmarking, policy and strategies, academic reflections
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Introduction
The quest for a ‘world-class university’ and the global university rankings have become increasingly prominent agendas affecting the way universities are governed.1 In order to better position universities in the globalized world, many national governments, policy makers and analysts of higher education across different parts of the globe have devoted far more attention, resources and energies to search for new governance and strategies in promoting university research with intention to rank higher in the global university league tables. As Altbach (2007, 3) has rightly suggested, ‘research universities have emerged on the policy agenda in many developing countries, especially larger nations that seek to compare in the global knowledge economy’. It is against the wider policy context outlined above that this article sets out to critically examine how and what major strategies governments in China and Taiwan have adopted in transforming their higher education systems to become globally competitive. More specifically, this article discusses how governments in mainland China and Taiwan have responded by reforming their higher education governance and management styles and introducing new policies to enhance the global competitiveness of their higher education systems. The first part of the article will provide a brief policy context for higher education reforms in China and Taiwan. The second part of the article focuses on major strategies adopted by these Asian governments in internationalizing and international benchmarking their universities with global partners. The third part will focus on how and what major strategies that major universities in these two Chinese societies have employed to better position their universities in the global world.
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The Context for Higher Education Reforms in China and Taiwan
Prior to the reforms in the last two decades, both mainland China and Taiwan used to adopt a highly centralized system in governing their higher education systems because education was employed as an instrument to promote official ideologies and maintain the political influence of the ruling party (Mok, 2000, 2005a). Realizing the centralized governance model is appropriate in running higher education, especially when these two Chinese societies have to confront the increasingly competitive global world, the governments in China and Taiwan have begun to search for new university governance and look for new management strategies to make their systems more responsive and efficient in addressing the ever-changing world. It is against this context that higher education governance in China and Taiwan has been going through processes of decentralization, privatization, mercerization and corporatization, particularly when both the Chinese and the Taiwanese governments are particularly concerned with how to run their higher education systems in a more efficient and effective way (Mok, 2006, 2007). With a strong conviction to promote their international competitiveness in the knowledge-based economy, both governments in China and Taiwan have also adhered to the ideas of neo-liberalism and adopted market-oriented practices and strategies to run their higher education systems in a more efficient and effective manner.
In the last few decades, Taiwan has gone through significant changes resulting from the democratization and economic reforms in the last few decades (Lo and Weng, 2005). Similarly, mainland China has also experienced tremendous social and political transformations since economic reforms were started in the late 1970s (Tang and Holzner, 2007). As a late developer in higher education, the Chinese government has been particularly active in turning a number of its major universities into world-class universities by strengthening their research capacity and postgraduate education (Ngok and Guo, 2007). Likewise, the government in Taiwan has attempted to assert its international status through better positioning of its universities in the global ranking exercises (Chen and Lo, 2007). Realizing the important role of higher education in enhancing global competitiveness, both the Chinese and Taiwan governments have tried to concentrate funding on a selected few universities in order to turn them into leading research/academic institutions which could complete globally (Deem et al., 2008). Having briefly outlined the context for higher education reforms in China and Taiwan, let us now focus on the major university reform strategies.
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University Governance Change and Management Reform
China
Openly recognizing that dependence on the state alone would not meet the pressing demands for higher education, the Chinese government has attempted to diversify educational provision and financing by adopting a policy of decentralization in order to share the financial burden for higher education financing with local governments. As early in 1985, the promulgation of the Decision of the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party of China on the Reform of the Educational System marked the beginning of diversifying educational services, allowing and encouraging the non-state sector to establish and run educational institutions (Hawkins, 2000; Chan and Ngok, 2001). The Outline for Education Reform and Development in China (Outline) in 1993 clearly stated that the government support non-state actor to run schools (CPCCC, 1993). The retreat of the central government in terms of education financing has created more room for local governments in general and other non-state actors in particular to play an increasingly important role in education provision and financing. Against this context, non-state or people-run (minban) organizations have contributed significantly to meet the growing higher education demands, thereby leading to the emergence of minban (people-run) schools. In 2003, there were 1279 non-state/private higher education institutions (MOE, China, 2006).
To enable the sustainable growth of education, the diversification of financing channels is considered as one of the possible ways to achieve such a policy goal. The central government has decentralized its authorities of education governance to local governments, hence shifting parts of its financial burdens to local governments and non-state sectors/actors. Adopting a ‘user-pay’ principle, students have to pay tuition fee since the late 1980s and thereafter tuition fees and student fees have constituted increasingly important parts of revenue for many higher education institutions. The growth of non-state educational expenditure within 10 years (from 333 million yuan in 1993 to 17 billion yuan in 2002) has clearly indicated such trends. In terms of provision, minbaninstitutions have now captured almost 8.3% of regular higher education and adult learning.2 Since there is a growing demand for higher education in mainland China, mobilizing various kinds of social investment through the diversification of educational provision and funding is becoming more popular.
Moreover, the changes in human resource management practices have also significantly impacted on higher education governance and management in China. In the past, the employment practices in China were characterized by centralized labour allocation, resulting in life tenure and low labour mobility. The removal of this ‘iron rice bowl employment system’ has created more flexibility in the labour market. Employers hence become an important stakeholder of higher education and students would tend to choose those subjects with high market demand. Since student choices of universities and academic programmes would certainly affect the student intakes for any academic institutions, higher education institutions (especially for minban institutions) are confronted with the rise of ‘consumerism’ and the challenges resulting from the commodification/commercialization of higher education (Ngok, 2002). The growing influence of the market forces has inevitably intensified inter-university competition. Owing to the opening of the labour market, higher education institutions have to compete for quality teaching staff as well as professors with good reputation. Similarly, with the emergence of internal market in student admissions and government grants, universities are now under pressure to compete for quality students and government funding in order to maintain their national ranking and global competitiveness.
Taiwan
Since the late 1980s, the number of private higher education institutions in Taiwan has increased tremendously, whereas the number of public institutions has grown steadily for the last decade. The official statistics indicates that the private higher education sector has grown sevenfold since the 1950s in Taiwan (MOE, Taiwan, 2001). As stipulated in the Overall Proposal on Education in 1994 and the White Paper for University Education in 2001, the Taiwan government openly recognized the importance of the private sector in providing higher education (Council on Education Reform, Executive Yuan, 1995a, 1995b; MOE, Taiwan, 2001). In 1999, among 88 universities and colleges, 46 were private institutions, whereas 42 were public institutions (Lo and Tai, 2003, Table 8.3). Since then, the provision of the private sector has exceeded that of the public sector in higher education. The significant increase in private higher education in Taiwan clearly shows the changing role of the Taiwanese state has transformed from a higher education ‘provider’ to become a ‘facilitator’ (Lo and Tai, 2003). Other than provision, the private sector has also expanded its role in university administration and curriculum design. For university administration, the Private Education Institutes Law and Implementation Plan of Cooperation between Social Organizations and Educational Institutes have granted autonomy to private institutions, particularly in school management, by strengthening the role and authorities of the directors' board. For curriculum design, the participation of the private sector exists in the form of cooperation between academia and industry. Given the growing globalization impact, Taiwan has been aware of the importance of maintaining an adequate supply of quality manpower in the knowledge-based economy era; the Taiwan government has therefore tried various ways to strengthen the links between university education and the labour market (MOE, Taiwan, 2003a). To ensure that university graduates meet the market's needs, the MOE launched a programme called Last Mile Plan, whereby encourages higher education institutions to foster closer connections with industry. With the same scheme in place, employers have the opportunity to engage with academics from universities in the design of curricula and courses in order to ensure what the students learn would cater for the labour market needs (Lu, 2004, 6–7).
Prior to 1994, the government was the primary funding source of all national universities. Similar to China, the Taiwan government also tried to diversify financing channels to finance its higher education system by replacing the Public Budget System with the new University Fund System. Under the new system, the national universities are allowed to keep the surplus, hence giving incentives for the universities to diversify their sources of income through actively applying research grants. Furthermore, the MOE allows 30% of flexibility on public universities' tuition charges. With the introduction of these measures, the Taiwan government hopes to make the national universities more financially independent in the longer term. Nowadays, tuition fees and research grants have contributed a more significant proportion to the national universities' revenue. In addition, the government once attempted to turn the status of all national universities into ‘administrative legal bodies’ by introducing university incorporation plans with intention to give national universities a high degree of flexibility and autonomy in their operation and development through empowering them to enjoy more fiscal autonomy and flexibilities in generating revenues (MOE, Taiwan, 2001, 2003b; Lo and Tai, 2003). To encourage private universities to compete with national universities on the same ground, the Taiwan government has adopted a new funding policy in the higher education sector by cutting about 20–25% of the state financial resources originally attributed to national universities to offer financial support to private universities based upon a merit and competitive basis. In line with this policy, 20% of the regular income of the private universities has been supported by the MOE since the 1999–2000 academic year (MOE, Taiwan, 2001). The implementation of this funding policy has held private universities accountable to the Ministry of Education (MOE) and the general public would expect more from private universities to perform better when public money is used to support their activities (Lo and Tai, 2003, 147). In addition, the government also slightly loosened the restrictions on tuition fees by adopting the ‘user-pay’ principle in order to facilitate universities to get additional revenues to finance their academic programmes and research initiatives (Mok and Lo, 2002). All these measures aim to correct the previous imbalance of funding and promote a competitive culture between public and private higher education institutions for fostering better performance.
In the last few years, public universities in Taiwan have been experiencing significant governance and management changes. In line with the spirit and practices of corporatization and incorporation, the universities and colleges have been granted more autonomy by relaxing certain legal restrictions on university governance. The revision of the University Law in 2005 is a good example of the deregulation in higher education governance. Regarding personnel management, the appointment of university presidents had to go through two stages (one university level and one MOE level) in the past. Nonetheless, the newly revised University Law stipulates that presidents of national universities are appointed by a selection committee that consists of members from the universities, external parties and officials of MOE (Article 8), indicating a simplification of the appointment procedures. In addition, the restrictions on nationality have been removed. Notionally, universities are allowed to appoint overseas scholars to be presidents and other senior positions are allowed to be filled by top talents through worldwide search (see Articles 8 and 13). In short, such a legal amendment has facilitated universities to recruit academic leaders through worldwide search.
Furthermore, universities are given more autonomy in finance. Currently, terms and conditions of university staff are standardized. According to Article 19 of the University Law, ‘universities may add rights and obligations of teachers in the academic rules and formulate separate stipulations for the suspension or refusal of reengagement of teachers upon requirements of academic research and development, which shall be implemented and provided in the contracts after being approved by the academic affairs meeting’. This means that universities have more flexibility to adjust the terms and conditions, and therefore the structure of the salary of university staff can become more flexible and performance based in the future. In other words, universities can use the salary adjustment as a way to reward or punish the staff. The revised University Law also allows universities to develop a more flexible organizational structure. Article 6, for example, allows universities to establish inter-institutional systems and research centre. It authorizes the universities themselves to set the regulations on the organization and operation of the inter-institutional institutes. Moreover, Article 11 provides universities with the autonomy to establish their colleges or independent graduate schools, while colleges can establish their departments or graduate schools. Universities are also authorized to offer inter-department, inter-institute or inter-institutional qualifications. All these measures show an important step towards university autonomy as well as inter-institutional collaboration and integration. Putting the above changes into perspective, we can see that the revised University Law has indeed changed the university governance from a ‘centralized’ to a more ‘decentralized’ and ‘corporate’ model in Taiwan.
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Questing for the ‘World-Class Status’: Government Responses and Policy Change
China
Since the 1990s, the Chinese government has tactically prioritized education as one of key items in its policy agenda of national development. According to Zheng and Zhao (2004), the economic reform and open door policy started since the late 1970s have provided China a comparatively strong base in terms of finance and technology for further development of higher education (Zheng and Zhao, 2004). Alongside with the mega trend of integration with the global community, China has actively engaged in various sorts of international organizations, attempting to be involved in more international collaboration and exchange. Fostering more international exchange and cooperation, the Chinese government has devised various means to promote the internationalization of higher education in order to benchmark with the best universities overseas (Yang, 2002). It is recognized that the ultimate goal of internationalization of higher education is to enhance the quality of higher education to the world standard; an increasing number of Chinese academics, administrators and specialists has set off to overseas exchange and academic visits.
Realizing the reality that higher education in China had missed opportunities for development in the last few decades, not many universities in China mainland are able to complete globally at the current state. With a strong conviction to benchmark with the global university league, the Chinese government is determined to concentrate its limited resources to identify a few top universities for boosting their research profile and academic standard. To achieve this goal, the Chinese government introduced two major policies in the quest for world-class universities, namely Project 211 and Project 985, in the pursuit of world-class universities in the late 1990s (Mok, 2005a; Mohrman et al., 2008). Project 211 is the Chinese government's endeavour to enhance the quality of education and research in China's higher education since the 1990s. Project 211, which was first mentioned in the Outline of 1993, was formally promulgated in 1995 by the State Education Commission (SEC, now the Ministry of Education, MOE). It primarily aimed at strengthening about 100 higher education institutions and key disciplinary areas as a national priority for the 21st century. Generally speaking, Project 211 consists of three major components:
1. Improving the overall institutional capacity by expanding the number of scholars and teaching with those who have high academic attainments and prestige, as well as enhancing the infrastructure and facilities indispensable for teaching and research.
2. Developing key disciplines which are considered to be necessary to social and economic development, scientific and technological advancement, and national defence.
3. Strengthening the networking of and collaboration between higher education institutions through the development of the Chinese Education and Research Network (CERNET), the Library and Documentation Support System (LDSS) and the Modern Equipment and Facilities Sharing System (MEFSS).
More specifically, there are three tasks in Project 211. Firstly, top priority was given to intensively finance Peking University and Tsinghua University in order to facilitate these two universities into approaching a higher level of world standard and eventually become world-class institutions. Secondly, through provision of additional funding, 25 key universities were selected for upgrading to their quality of teaching and research activities in key disciplines. Thirdly, further efforts would be made to enhance around 300 key disciplines in different institutions (MOE, China, 2005). After introducing the 211 Project, the Chinese government invested around 10.9 billion yuanduring the period of 1996–2000 (National Planning Commission et al., 2005). In terms of achievements, although only less than 10% of higher education institutions benefited from the Project, these universities offered a high percentage of student enrollments, and captured most of the research funding and equipment in the country. The implementation of the Project has also brought a significant growth in enrollment rate at various levels (i.e., undergraduate: 61%; master's degree: 108%; doctoral degree: 101%), while the number of teachers with doctoral degrees and publications has significantly increased by 109% and 94%, respectively, during the same period (National Planning Commission et al., 2005). These figures have indicated that Project 211, as the first key national initiative in promoting universities with world-class standard, has contributed significantly to the quality enhancement of higher education in China.
The promulgation of Project 985 marked a second step of quality enhancement of higher education in China. In 1998, the former President Jiang Zemin made a speech on the 100th anniversary of Peking University, in which he addressed the need of establishing world-class universities in China. The MOE thereby worked out the Action Plan of Education Promotion for the 21st Century (Action Plan), which stresses that, within the first two decade of the 21st century, some Chinese universities and key areas of study shall reach a world-class level and be internationally recognized. Such measures were put together as Project 985. At the early stage of implementing Project 985, the two top universities in China, Peking University and Tsinghua University, were again selected to be intensively funded by the central authority. In accordance with the Action Plan, the two universities would be allocated a special budget of 1.8 billion yuan for enhancing their teaching and research activities. In 1999, seven more universities were selected by the MOE to join in the collaborative projects with local authorities. Subsequently, more and more institutions have been encouraged and supported to enhance their quality in research and teaching with the goal to become world-class or world-renown universities. By 2003, universities listed in Project 985 have increased to 34 institutions (Huang, 2005). Project 985 has started its further stage (2004–2007) since 2004, which focused on the improvement of university management and evaluation system. With emphasis on building a stronger team of management as well as teaching through worldwide recruitment, Project 985 attempts to enhance the effectiveness of the existing laboratories, research centres and facilities through restructuring and establishing a coordinating mechanism. Finally, the Project proposes to strengthen international cooperation among institutions through various exchange activities (MOE and MOF, 2005).
Taiwan
Similarly to China, the Taiwan government has realized that globalization has intensified the competition among higher education institutions in a worldwide sense. After a careful assessment, the Taiwan government recognizes that overseas competition, especially competition from mainland China, would become a major challenge to Taiwan's universities because of the technological advancement and rapid flow of human capital in the global age (Huang, 2001, 171–73; Lu, 2002). After Taiwan's accession to the World Trade Organization, overseas universities are allowed to expand their recruitment of Taiwan's students through educational agencies, distance learning, and two-track or dual-credit systems. In order to enhance the global competitiveness of universities in Taiwan against the highly competitive world, the Taiwan government began to call for the pursuit of academic excellence of universities in the late 1990s (Lo and Weng, 2005).
According to Executive Yuan's objectives set out in 2004, the Taiwan government is particularly keen to have at least one local university ranked among the top 100 universities within the next decade, and at least 15 key departments or cross-university research centres will become the top in Asia within the next 5 years (Lu, 2004, 9). In order to improve the quality of university standards, pursuing academic excellence and focusing universities' efforts on developing a selected few areas have become the policies adopted by the government to boost the research profile of universities in Taiwan. In 1998, the MOE and the National Science Council (NSC) jointly launched the Programme for Promoting Academic Excellence of Universities (Academic Excellence Programme), primarily aimed at improving universities' infrastructure and invigorating research (MOE, Taiwan, 2000). This Programme supports four research fields, including humanities and social sciences, life sciences, natural sciences, and engineering and applied sciences. Each research field has a focus of investigation:
1. For humanities and social sciences, the Academic Excellence Programme requests that research projects utilize local research materials for arguing against or elaborating theories from the West.
2. For life sciences, the Academic Excellence Programme stresses the importance of human physiology and development of biotechnology.
3. For natural sciences, the Academic Excellence Programme focuses on atmospheric sciences, materials sciences and earth sciences and expects these disciplines to be recognized internationally as of leading status.
4. For engineering and applied sciences, the Academic Excellence Programme highlights the importance of the applied studies of networking technologies, wireless communication technologies, and optics and photonics (MOE, Taiwan, 2000).
In addition, the MOE and NSC also formed a panel, consisting of eminent local and overseas academics to charge with selecting research projects for support by the programme. In the first round of the Academic Excellence Programme, a total of 261 research project applications were submitted. After rigorous review, a total amount of NT$ 4.3 billion were allocated to fund 19 projects and three of which were offered conditionally. The first round of the Programme was completed in 2004. To further develop a high-quality research culture in Taiwan, the second round of the Programme was launched in 2000 until 2006. There were 148 research project applications in this round and 12 projects were granted with a total amount of NT$ 2.1 billion. With a rigorous selection process in place, only 6.13% of research project applications were selected to be supported in the first round of the programme (excluding the three conditional offers), while 8.1% of applications were funded in the second round. The funded rate of humanities and social sciences projects was even lower (i.e., 15.55% for the first round and 3.29% for the second round). Most of the funding went to public institutions, while only two research projects jointly submitted by public and private institutions were funded (MOE, Taiwan, 2003a). After reviewing the various rounds of implementation, the government considers the Academic Excellence Programme successful in allowing effective integration of resources to foster cooperation and exchange between outstanding institutions and talented researchers, and boosting research capacity (NSC, 2005). Hence, the Taiwan government has become even committed to invest in key research areas in order to better place universities of Taiwan in the global map.
In addition to the Academic Excellence Programme discussed above, another initiative entitled the Programme for Improving University Fundamental Education (Fundamental Education Programme) under the Academic Excellence Programme has been implemented since 2001 to enhance the level of university's foundation and general studies (Lu, 2004, 8). Applications for this programme would be divided into five groups, namely humanities and social sciences, life sciences, natural sciences, engineering and applied sciences, and institutional integration. In the first round of the Fundamental Education Programme, 112 institutions submitted 432 applications, of which 192 projects from 92 institutions were selected to be funded. In terms of funding, 55.9% of the fund was granted to public institutions, while 44.1% of the fund was allocated to private institutions (MOE, Taiwan, 2004). The MOE has planned to allocate NT$ 1.8 billion for the second round of the programme. When putting the above discussion together, we can easily find that both the governments in China mainland and Taiwan have recognized the importance to enhance the global competitiveness of their universities and various reform strategies have been introduced to enable their universities to rank higher in the global ranking exercises.
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Questing for the ‘World-Class Status’: University Responses and Coping Strategies
China
In addition to the strategies adopted by these two Asian governments in the quest for world-class universities, higher education institutions in both societies are becoming increasingly keen in internationalizing their teaching and research programmes. In the last few years, the principal author of this article, Ka Ho Mok, has been involved in various kinds of academic exchange and international advisory work for selected higher education institutions in China mainland and Taiwan. Being invited as one of the international consultants, the principal author of this paper got a number of opportunities to interact with colleagues from Zhejiang University, ranked in the Top Three in China's university league. With a strong conviction to develop Zhejiang University as one of the leading universities in the world, the senior management of Zhejiang University has tried different strategies to better position the University in the global ranking exercise. For example, Zhejiang University has joined the Worldwide Universities Network (WUN), a global research network to promote international research collaboration. In 2007, the College of Education of Zhejiang University participated in the ‘Ideas and Universities’ virtual seminar series organized by the WUN; faculty members and students actively participated in the seminar series despite the fact that all seminars were conducted in late evening from either 9:00 pm or 10:00 pm because of the time difference between partnering institutions in the USA and the UK (WUN, 2007). Similarly, Nanjing University has also joined the WUN and also sent delegates from China to participate and present at the WUN conference organized in London in November 2007 in order to make the University more visible in the international academic community (WUN, 2007). Enhancing the international outlook of their faculty members, both Zhejiang University and Nanjing University have sent their faculty members for overseas academic exchanges by capitalizing the collaborative projects associated with WUN.
In order to benchmark with global universities, the senior management of Zhejiang University has set up an international advisory committee to advise the President how to better position the University in the global ranking exercise. The principal author of this article was appointed as one of these members, having chances to visit the University to interact with colleagues from different ranks to discuss how to enhance the University's ranking in the global university leagues. By inviting distinguished professors to join the international advisory committee, coupled with partnering with top universities overseas in co-organizing international conferences, the senior management of Zhejiang University strongly believes it would help promote the University as not only a leading university in mainland China but also a world renowned university. Similarly, the College of Government and Public Affairs at Zhongshan University in Gunagzhou, China, have been actively attempting to raise the international research profile in the last few years. The College has proactively collaborated with overseas institutions in co-organizing international conferences and symposia to promote its areas of research excellence. Most recently, the College has launched a new Social Welfare and Social Policy Research Institute to map out medium and long term of research development. After interviewing Professor King Lun Ngok, Director of the Research Institute, we realize how keen Zhongshan University is in establishing the designated research area as nationally and internationally recognized area of research excellence since the University administration has no ceiling cap for research investment in making the newly launched centre a major success in the near future (Interview with Ngok, May 2008). Being a Visiting Professor at the University of Bristol, Professor Ngok has attempted to develop closer links between the University of Bristol and Zhongshan University. According to Ngok, internationalization is one of the major drives for promoting Zhongshan University as a leading university in China. In its launch conference, Ngok invited the very top and prominent professors not only from China mainland but also from outside to raise the profile of the new research institute (Interview with Ngok, May 2008).
These examples are not unique to Zhejiang University in Hangzhou and Zhongshan University in Guangzhou; universities from Beijing and Shanghai are also very keen to strengthen their research and education programmes through partnering the best in the world. For instance, Social Development and Public Policy Research Institute at Beijing Normal University (BNU) is particularly keen to establish an international research collaboration with leading academic institutions overseas by setting a joint-research centre in public policy research. The Department of Social Work and Social Administration at the University of Hong Kong invited a delegation from BNU to Hong Kong to discuss international research collaboration, with particular focus on policy research. Throughout the process of discussion, we were hugely impressed by the strong determination and resourceful allocation of research grant in supporting such a research initiative. Mapping out the strategic research direction, the senior management of BNU has no financial difficulty to invest in such a research development project (Field Observation, October 2007). Similarly, College of Social Development and Social Policy at Fudan University has launched its international programme taught in English on subject matters related to social policy and social work. Partnering with the University of Hong Kong, Fudan University has developed joint-academic programme in Social Work profession. During the principal author's recent visit to this College at Fudan, he learned from the Associate Dean of the College that Fudan University is particularly keen to engage in deep collaboration with overseas institutions by launching joint programmes (Field Observation, March 2008). All in all, the examples outlined above have clearly demonstrated the strong determination of universities in China to reach out to the international academic community by internationalizing their research and teaching programmes and international benchmarking with the very best in order to excel themselves to be part of the selected few.
Taiwan
Similar to the vision and strategies adopted by major universities in China mainland, higher education institutions in Taiwan have been very keen to internationalize their teaching and research programmes. When the principal author of this article was serving as the Founding Director of the Centre of East Asian Studies at the University of Bristol from 2005 to 2007, he received many delegates from China and Taiwan for academic visits and exchange. Realizing the importance of internationalization of higher education curricula in China and Taiwan, the Centre of East Asian Studies at Bristol University has co-organized international summer schools with institutions from China and Taiwan in order to provide a platform engaging Asian students in appreciating cross-cultural studies in the UK. The College of Humanities of National Chi Nan University (NCNU) is particularly keen to send students to the Bristol summer school. With special financial support offered by the College of Humanities at NCNU, more students from Taiwan could enjoy experiential learning in the UK (CEAS, 2006, 2007). The Department of Social Work at National Taiwan University (NTU) has also been actively promoting international placement to enhance students' international outlook and enrich their overseas learning experiences. Most recently, the principal author of this article has been appointed by the President of NTU as one of the panel members of the International Advisory team to review the academic and research programmes offered by NTU. During his recent academic visit to NTU, the principal author got the chance to meet the senior management, faculty members and students of NTU. Through reviewing the Department of Social Work in terms of its strategic vision and development strategies, student and staff feedback on research and learning experiences, as well as its facilities, the author got to know how keen the department has been in terms of the internationalization agenda. Aligning with the vision and mission of the university and the faculty in internationalization, the department has made concerted efforts to engage with overseas leading universities in co-organizing international conferences, joint-research projects and other overseas internship/placement. Professor Lillian Wang, Head of the Social Work Department at NTU, openly told the panel members that the Department is serious benchmarking with top universities in Hong Kong, the USA and the UK. In the last five years, the department has engaged in co-organizing international symposia or conferences with overseas partners, sending out staff and students for international exchange and inviting speakers all over the world to give seminars at NTU (Field observation, June 2008).
Being a panel member of the review team and a faculty associate dean from the University of Hong Kong, the principal author has engaged in establishing deep collaboration with NTU. In June 2008, for instance, a delegation from NTU visited HKU to sign an agreement for international collaboration and exchange (Faculty of Social Sciences, HKU, June 2008). During his recent visit to NTU, Professor Yung-Mau Chao, Dean of the College of Social Sciences, actively explored with the principal author for international collaboration in terms of co-organizing conferences and joint-publications. Having the commitment in internationalizing the research profile of its colleagues, Professor Chao has agreed to invest more in promoting research scholarship by partnering with HKU for contemporary China research, a strategic research area designated by NTU (Field observation, December 2007). Like the NTU, the President of Tamkang University is also keen to deepen the international collaboration with overseas institutions. In 2005, a delegation led by the President of Tamkang University went to visit the University of Bristol in the UK. Serving as a coordinator for the academic visit and the former Founding Director of Centre of East Asian Studies at the University of Bristol, the delegation was well received by the Dean and Vice-Chancellor of the University. During his term at the University of Bristol, the principal author received many invitations to speak at various international conferences organized by universities in Taiwan. During his visits to various university campuses, it was apparent that one of the major areas concerning the development of international research collaboration was academic exchanges of both staff and students. For instance, Asia University, a newly founded university in the middle of Taiwan, had sent students to the international summer school at the University of Bristol; Tamkang University, to give another example, is particularly keen to deepen its relationship with the University of Hong Kong and Yonsei University in South Korea by setting up a ‘Three Campus Comparative East Asian Studies Programme’ for student exchange.
Similar to the role differentiation exercise conducted among universities in Hong Kong (Mok, 2005b), the Taiwan government is keen to develop a proper division of labour among universities on the island-state. It is in this context that there has been a heated debate whether to stratify the university system of Taiwan into different clusters by developing a better role differentiation among more than hundreds of universities (Li, 2008). In recent years, the MOE in Taiwan has conducted various kinds of academic reviews to promote universities to perform. In order to better position universities of Taiwan in the global ranking exercise, a ‘Forum on Taiwan Higher Education’ was organized in 2007; distinguished leaders and professors were invited to address the issues related to development plan for world-class universities and research centres of excellence. During the Forum, speakers critically examined the major challenges confronting the higher education sector in Taiwan, debating and discussing ways to promote excellent performance of universities in Taiwan (A Strategic Network Promoting for University Excellence, 2008). Having interviewed Professor Ching-Shan Wu, Executive Director of Higher Education Evaluation & Accreditation Council of Taiwan, the principal author of this article realizes the pressures felt by academics and higher education institutions in benchmarking with the international standard by publishing in top-tiered internationally refereed journals and peer-reviewed venues (Interview with Wu, May 2008). After close scrutiny of the international publications in SSCI, SCI and EI venues, Wu believes academics in Taiwan are lagging behind its international counterparts, hence proposing more attention should be given to internationalize research outputs especially in the intensified competitive research environment (Wu, 2008). Having been involved in university ranking and university evaluation research in the last few years, Professor Angela Hou shared with the authors that academics and higher education institutions are becoming increasingly concerned with the ranking exercises (Interview with Hou, May 2008). Despite the controversy over the accuracy of the university ranking, university presidents and deans are particularly keen to establish international links with top universities overseas. All the examples outlined above have clearly shown how universities in Taiwan have responded proactively to the quest for world-class university status.
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Conclusion
This article has critically examined policies and strategies adopted by the governments in China mainland and Taiwan in response to the growing pressures to internationalize and internal benchmark universities with the very best across different parts of the globe. Despite the controversial debates over the definitions of ‘world-class university’, both the governments in China and Taiwan have adopted a more pragmatic approach to address the issue. By concentrating resources on a selected few, these governments believe they would be able to boost some universities to climb higher in the global university leagues. Although there are heated debates among academics in China and Taiwan, universities in these two Chinese societies are far more instrumental by adopting different strategies discussed above to benchmark with the best in the world (Chen and Lo, 2007; Ngok and Guo, 2007). Perhaps what has been happening in the university campuses in these two societies might reveal the ‘late developer mentality’. By working extremely hard to rank higher in the global league tables, universities in China and Taiwan would consider it is the only alternative to assert their global status through various internationalization strategies. Such a ‘pragmatic instrumentalism’ has unquestionably overshadowed the academia in these Chinese societies. Deeper and critical reflections are really needed during the on-going ‘world-class university’ movement in Asia.
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Notes
1 The authors of this article want to express their gratitude to the Chiang Ching-Kuo Foundation for offering research grant in support of the research project entitled ‘A Comparative Study of Changing University Governance in China and Taiwan’. Materials reported and discussed in this article primarily base upon the intensive policy analysis, documentary analysis, literature research and field research conducted in China mainland and Taiwan from 2006 to 2008.
2 In 2003, there were 2,110 regular and adult HEIs in China, among which 175 are ‘people-run’. But apart from them, 1,104 of non-state run institutions are categorized as ‘other people-run higher education institution (qita minban gaodeng jiaoyu jiguo)’.
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33. Mok, K.H. and Lo, H.C. (2002) 'Marketization and the changing governance in higher education: a comparative study', Higher Education Management and Policy 14(1): 51–82.
34. National Planning Commission, Ministry of Education and Ministry of Finance. (2005) 'The General Achievements of Project 211 and the Ninth Five-Year Plan, 2004', http://www.moe.edu.cn.
35. National Science Council [NSC]. (2005) Yearbook of Science and Technology, Taiwan, ROC, 2005, Taipei: NSC.
36. Ngok, K.L. (2002) 'The Relationship Between Higher Education and Government in the Trend of Marketization of Education', in H.H. Tai, K.H. Mok and A. Xie (eds.) The Marketization of Higher Education: A Comparative Study of Taiwan, Hong Kong and China, Taipei: Higher Education Press, pp. 268–295.
37. Ngok, K.L. and Guo, W.Q. (2007) 'The quest for 'world class universities' in China: critical reflections', The Journal of Comparative Asian Development 6(1): 21–44.
38. Tang, W.F. and Holzner, B. (eds.) (2007) Social Change in Contemporary China, Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press.
39. Wu, C.S. (2008) 'A Critical Review of Challenges and Opportunities for Universities in Taiwan', in A Strategic Network Promoting University Excellence (ed.) Mission & Vision: Development Plan for World Class Universities and Research Centres of Excellence, Taipei: National Taiwan University Press.
40. WUN. (2007) 'Ideas and universities virtual seminar series', http://www.wun.ac.uk.
41. Yang, R. (2002) Third Delight: The Internationalization of Higher Education in China, London: Routledge.
42. Zheng, Z. and Zhao, Y. (2004) 'Pursuing world class higher education: China's step towards the advanced education nation (Lizhen Shijie Yiliu Gaodeng Jiaoyu: Zhongguo Dalu cong Jiaoyu Daguo Zhubu Zouxiang Jiaoyu Qiangguo)', Paper Presented to HKERA's 20th Anniversary Regional Symposium on 'Questing for World Class Education'; November; Hong Kong, China.
1. aFaculty of Social Sciences, The University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam Road, Hong Kong, China. E-mail: ka-ho.mok@hku.hk
2. bGraduate Institute of Higher Education, Tamkang University, Taiwan
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Abstract
With a strong conviction to enhance their global competitiveness, governments across different parts of the world have tried various means to promote the ranking of their universities in the global university leagues. With a strong determination to do better in such global ranking exercises, universities in mainland China and Taiwan have attempted to restructure their university systems and have searched for new governance strategies in order to make their universities more competitive in the global world. This article critically examines major policies introduced and strategies employed by governments in mainland China and Taiwan in benchmarking their universities internationally with world-class universities.
Keywords:
world-class university, international benchmarking, policy and strategies, academic reflections
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Introduction
The quest for a ‘world-class university’ and the global university rankings have become increasingly prominent agendas affecting the way universities are governed.1 In order to better position universities in the globalized world, many national governments, policy makers and analysts of higher education across different parts of the globe have devoted far more attention, resources and energies to search for new governance and strategies in promoting university research with intention to rank higher in the global university league tables. As Altbach (2007, 3) has rightly suggested, ‘research universities have emerged on the policy agenda in many developing countries, especially larger nations that seek to compare in the global knowledge economy’. It is against the wider policy context outlined above that this article sets out to critically examine how and what major strategies governments in China and Taiwan have adopted in transforming their higher education systems to become globally competitive. More specifically, this article discusses how governments in mainland China and Taiwan have responded by reforming their higher education governance and management styles and introducing new policies to enhance the global competitiveness of their higher education systems. The first part of the article will provide a brief policy context for higher education reforms in China and Taiwan. The second part of the article focuses on major strategies adopted by these Asian governments in internationalizing and international benchmarking their universities with global partners. The third part will focus on how and what major strategies that major universities in these two Chinese societies have employed to better position their universities in the global world.
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The Context for Higher Education Reforms in China and Taiwan
Prior to the reforms in the last two decades, both mainland China and Taiwan used to adopt a highly centralized system in governing their higher education systems because education was employed as an instrument to promote official ideologies and maintain the political influence of the ruling party (Mok, 2000, 2005a). Realizing the centralized governance model is appropriate in running higher education, especially when these two Chinese societies have to confront the increasingly competitive global world, the governments in China and Taiwan have begun to search for new university governance and look for new management strategies to make their systems more responsive and efficient in addressing the ever-changing world. It is against this context that higher education governance in China and Taiwan has been going through processes of decentralization, privatization, mercerization and corporatization, particularly when both the Chinese and the Taiwanese governments are particularly concerned with how to run their higher education systems in a more efficient and effective way (Mok, 2006, 2007). With a strong conviction to promote their international competitiveness in the knowledge-based economy, both governments in China and Taiwan have also adhered to the ideas of neo-liberalism and adopted market-oriented practices and strategies to run their higher education systems in a more efficient and effective manner.
In the last few decades, Taiwan has gone through significant changes resulting from the democratization and economic reforms in the last few decades (Lo and Weng, 2005). Similarly, mainland China has also experienced tremendous social and political transformations since economic reforms were started in the late 1970s (Tang and Holzner, 2007). As a late developer in higher education, the Chinese government has been particularly active in turning a number of its major universities into world-class universities by strengthening their research capacity and postgraduate education (Ngok and Guo, 2007). Likewise, the government in Taiwan has attempted to assert its international status through better positioning of its universities in the global ranking exercises (Chen and Lo, 2007). Realizing the important role of higher education in enhancing global competitiveness, both the Chinese and Taiwan governments have tried to concentrate funding on a selected few universities in order to turn them into leading research/academic institutions which could complete globally (Deem et al., 2008). Having briefly outlined the context for higher education reforms in China and Taiwan, let us now focus on the major university reform strategies.
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University Governance Change and Management Reform
China
Openly recognizing that dependence on the state alone would not meet the pressing demands for higher education, the Chinese government has attempted to diversify educational provision and financing by adopting a policy of decentralization in order to share the financial burden for higher education financing with local governments. As early in 1985, the promulgation of the Decision of the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party of China on the Reform of the Educational System marked the beginning of diversifying educational services, allowing and encouraging the non-state sector to establish and run educational institutions (Hawkins, 2000; Chan and Ngok, 2001). The Outline for Education Reform and Development in China (Outline) in 1993 clearly stated that the government support non-state actor to run schools (CPCCC, 1993). The retreat of the central government in terms of education financing has created more room for local governments in general and other non-state actors in particular to play an increasingly important role in education provision and financing. Against this context, non-state or people-run (minban) organizations have contributed significantly to meet the growing higher education demands, thereby leading to the emergence of minban (people-run) schools. In 2003, there were 1279 non-state/private higher education institutions (MOE, China, 2006).
To enable the sustainable growth of education, the diversification of financing channels is considered as one of the possible ways to achieve such a policy goal. The central government has decentralized its authorities of education governance to local governments, hence shifting parts of its financial burdens to local governments and non-state sectors/actors. Adopting a ‘user-pay’ principle, students have to pay tuition fee since the late 1980s and thereafter tuition fees and student fees have constituted increasingly important parts of revenue for many higher education institutions. The growth of non-state educational expenditure within 10 years (from 333 million yuan in 1993 to 17 billion yuan in 2002) has clearly indicated such trends. In terms of provision, minbaninstitutions have now captured almost 8.3% of regular higher education and adult learning.2 Since there is a growing demand for higher education in mainland China, mobilizing various kinds of social investment through the diversification of educational provision and funding is becoming more popular.
Moreover, the changes in human resource management practices have also significantly impacted on higher education governance and management in China. In the past, the employment practices in China were characterized by centralized labour allocation, resulting in life tenure and low labour mobility. The removal of this ‘iron rice bowl employment system’ has created more flexibility in the labour market. Employers hence become an important stakeholder of higher education and students would tend to choose those subjects with high market demand. Since student choices of universities and academic programmes would certainly affect the student intakes for any academic institutions, higher education institutions (especially for minban institutions) are confronted with the rise of ‘consumerism’ and the challenges resulting from the commodification/commercialization of higher education (Ngok, 2002). The growing influence of the market forces has inevitably intensified inter-university competition. Owing to the opening of the labour market, higher education institutions have to compete for quality teaching staff as well as professors with good reputation. Similarly, with the emergence of internal market in student admissions and government grants, universities are now under pressure to compete for quality students and government funding in order to maintain their national ranking and global competitiveness.
Taiwan
Since the late 1980s, the number of private higher education institutions in Taiwan has increased tremendously, whereas the number of public institutions has grown steadily for the last decade. The official statistics indicates that the private higher education sector has grown sevenfold since the 1950s in Taiwan (MOE, Taiwan, 2001). As stipulated in the Overall Proposal on Education in 1994 and the White Paper for University Education in 2001, the Taiwan government openly recognized the importance of the private sector in providing higher education (Council on Education Reform, Executive Yuan, 1995a, 1995b; MOE, Taiwan, 2001). In 1999, among 88 universities and colleges, 46 were private institutions, whereas 42 were public institutions (Lo and Tai, 2003, Table 8.3). Since then, the provision of the private sector has exceeded that of the public sector in higher education. The significant increase in private higher education in Taiwan clearly shows the changing role of the Taiwanese state has transformed from a higher education ‘provider’ to become a ‘facilitator’ (Lo and Tai, 2003). Other than provision, the private sector has also expanded its role in university administration and curriculum design. For university administration, the Private Education Institutes Law and Implementation Plan of Cooperation between Social Organizations and Educational Institutes have granted autonomy to private institutions, particularly in school management, by strengthening the role and authorities of the directors' board. For curriculum design, the participation of the private sector exists in the form of cooperation between academia and industry. Given the growing globalization impact, Taiwan has been aware of the importance of maintaining an adequate supply of quality manpower in the knowledge-based economy era; the Taiwan government has therefore tried various ways to strengthen the links between university education and the labour market (MOE, Taiwan, 2003a). To ensure that university graduates meet the market's needs, the MOE launched a programme called Last Mile Plan, whereby encourages higher education institutions to foster closer connections with industry. With the same scheme in place, employers have the opportunity to engage with academics from universities in the design of curricula and courses in order to ensure what the students learn would cater for the labour market needs (Lu, 2004, 6–7).
Prior to 1994, the government was the primary funding source of all national universities. Similar to China, the Taiwan government also tried to diversify financing channels to finance its higher education system by replacing the Public Budget System with the new University Fund System. Under the new system, the national universities are allowed to keep the surplus, hence giving incentives for the universities to diversify their sources of income through actively applying research grants. Furthermore, the MOE allows 30% of flexibility on public universities' tuition charges. With the introduction of these measures, the Taiwan government hopes to make the national universities more financially independent in the longer term. Nowadays, tuition fees and research grants have contributed a more significant proportion to the national universities' revenue. In addition, the government once attempted to turn the status of all national universities into ‘administrative legal bodies’ by introducing university incorporation plans with intention to give national universities a high degree of flexibility and autonomy in their operation and development through empowering them to enjoy more fiscal autonomy and flexibilities in generating revenues (MOE, Taiwan, 2001, 2003b; Lo and Tai, 2003). To encourage private universities to compete with national universities on the same ground, the Taiwan government has adopted a new funding policy in the higher education sector by cutting about 20–25% of the state financial resources originally attributed to national universities to offer financial support to private universities based upon a merit and competitive basis. In line with this policy, 20% of the regular income of the private universities has been supported by the MOE since the 1999–2000 academic year (MOE, Taiwan, 2001). The implementation of this funding policy has held private universities accountable to the Ministry of Education (MOE) and the general public would expect more from private universities to perform better when public money is used to support their activities (Lo and Tai, 2003, 147). In addition, the government also slightly loosened the restrictions on tuition fees by adopting the ‘user-pay’ principle in order to facilitate universities to get additional revenues to finance their academic programmes and research initiatives (Mok and Lo, 2002). All these measures aim to correct the previous imbalance of funding and promote a competitive culture between public and private higher education institutions for fostering better performance.
In the last few years, public universities in Taiwan have been experiencing significant governance and management changes. In line with the spirit and practices of corporatization and incorporation, the universities and colleges have been granted more autonomy by relaxing certain legal restrictions on university governance. The revision of the University Law in 2005 is a good example of the deregulation in higher education governance. Regarding personnel management, the appointment of university presidents had to go through two stages (one university level and one MOE level) in the past. Nonetheless, the newly revised University Law stipulates that presidents of national universities are appointed by a selection committee that consists of members from the universities, external parties and officials of MOE (Article 8), indicating a simplification of the appointment procedures. In addition, the restrictions on nationality have been removed. Notionally, universities are allowed to appoint overseas scholars to be presidents and other senior positions are allowed to be filled by top talents through worldwide search (see Articles 8 and 13). In short, such a legal amendment has facilitated universities to recruit academic leaders through worldwide search.
Furthermore, universities are given more autonomy in finance. Currently, terms and conditions of university staff are standardized. According to Article 19 of the University Law, ‘universities may add rights and obligations of teachers in the academic rules and formulate separate stipulations for the suspension or refusal of reengagement of teachers upon requirements of academic research and development, which shall be implemented and provided in the contracts after being approved by the academic affairs meeting’. This means that universities have more flexibility to adjust the terms and conditions, and therefore the structure of the salary of university staff can become more flexible and performance based in the future. In other words, universities can use the salary adjustment as a way to reward or punish the staff. The revised University Law also allows universities to develop a more flexible organizational structure. Article 6, for example, allows universities to establish inter-institutional systems and research centre. It authorizes the universities themselves to set the regulations on the organization and operation of the inter-institutional institutes. Moreover, Article 11 provides universities with the autonomy to establish their colleges or independent graduate schools, while colleges can establish their departments or graduate schools. Universities are also authorized to offer inter-department, inter-institute or inter-institutional qualifications. All these measures show an important step towards university autonomy as well as inter-institutional collaboration and integration. Putting the above changes into perspective, we can see that the revised University Law has indeed changed the university governance from a ‘centralized’ to a more ‘decentralized’ and ‘corporate’ model in Taiwan.
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Questing for the ‘World-Class Status’: Government Responses and Policy Change
China
Since the 1990s, the Chinese government has tactically prioritized education as one of key items in its policy agenda of national development. According to Zheng and Zhao (2004), the economic reform and open door policy started since the late 1970s have provided China a comparatively strong base in terms of finance and technology for further development of higher education (Zheng and Zhao, 2004). Alongside with the mega trend of integration with the global community, China has actively engaged in various sorts of international organizations, attempting to be involved in more international collaboration and exchange. Fostering more international exchange and cooperation, the Chinese government has devised various means to promote the internationalization of higher education in order to benchmark with the best universities overseas (Yang, 2002). It is recognized that the ultimate goal of internationalization of higher education is to enhance the quality of higher education to the world standard; an increasing number of Chinese academics, administrators and specialists has set off to overseas exchange and academic visits.
Realizing the reality that higher education in China had missed opportunities for development in the last few decades, not many universities in China mainland are able to complete globally at the current state. With a strong conviction to benchmark with the global university league, the Chinese government is determined to concentrate its limited resources to identify a few top universities for boosting their research profile and academic standard. To achieve this goal, the Chinese government introduced two major policies in the quest for world-class universities, namely Project 211 and Project 985, in the pursuit of world-class universities in the late 1990s (Mok, 2005a; Mohrman et al., 2008). Project 211 is the Chinese government's endeavour to enhance the quality of education and research in China's higher education since the 1990s. Project 211, which was first mentioned in the Outline of 1993, was formally promulgated in 1995 by the State Education Commission (SEC, now the Ministry of Education, MOE). It primarily aimed at strengthening about 100 higher education institutions and key disciplinary areas as a national priority for the 21st century. Generally speaking, Project 211 consists of three major components:
1. Improving the overall institutional capacity by expanding the number of scholars and teaching with those who have high academic attainments and prestige, as well as enhancing the infrastructure and facilities indispensable for teaching and research.
2. Developing key disciplines which are considered to be necessary to social and economic development, scientific and technological advancement, and national defence.
3. Strengthening the networking of and collaboration between higher education institutions through the development of the Chinese Education and Research Network (CERNET), the Library and Documentation Support System (LDSS) and the Modern Equipment and Facilities Sharing System (MEFSS).
More specifically, there are three tasks in Project 211. Firstly, top priority was given to intensively finance Peking University and Tsinghua University in order to facilitate these two universities into approaching a higher level of world standard and eventually become world-class institutions. Secondly, through provision of additional funding, 25 key universities were selected for upgrading to their quality of teaching and research activities in key disciplines. Thirdly, further efforts would be made to enhance around 300 key disciplines in different institutions (MOE, China, 2005). After introducing the 211 Project, the Chinese government invested around 10.9 billion yuanduring the period of 1996–2000 (National Planning Commission et al., 2005). In terms of achievements, although only less than 10% of higher education institutions benefited from the Project, these universities offered a high percentage of student enrollments, and captured most of the research funding and equipment in the country. The implementation of the Project has also brought a significant growth in enrollment rate at various levels (i.e., undergraduate: 61%; master's degree: 108%; doctoral degree: 101%), while the number of teachers with doctoral degrees and publications has significantly increased by 109% and 94%, respectively, during the same period (National Planning Commission et al., 2005). These figures have indicated that Project 211, as the first key national initiative in promoting universities with world-class standard, has contributed significantly to the quality enhancement of higher education in China.
The promulgation of Project 985 marked a second step of quality enhancement of higher education in China. In 1998, the former President Jiang Zemin made a speech on the 100th anniversary of Peking University, in which he addressed the need of establishing world-class universities in China. The MOE thereby worked out the Action Plan of Education Promotion for the 21st Century (Action Plan), which stresses that, within the first two decade of the 21st century, some Chinese universities and key areas of study shall reach a world-class level and be internationally recognized. Such measures were put together as Project 985. At the early stage of implementing Project 985, the two top universities in China, Peking University and Tsinghua University, were again selected to be intensively funded by the central authority. In accordance with the Action Plan, the two universities would be allocated a special budget of 1.8 billion yuan for enhancing their teaching and research activities. In 1999, seven more universities were selected by the MOE to join in the collaborative projects with local authorities. Subsequently, more and more institutions have been encouraged and supported to enhance their quality in research and teaching with the goal to become world-class or world-renown universities. By 2003, universities listed in Project 985 have increased to 34 institutions (Huang, 2005). Project 985 has started its further stage (2004–2007) since 2004, which focused on the improvement of university management and evaluation system. With emphasis on building a stronger team of management as well as teaching through worldwide recruitment, Project 985 attempts to enhance the effectiveness of the existing laboratories, research centres and facilities through restructuring and establishing a coordinating mechanism. Finally, the Project proposes to strengthen international cooperation among institutions through various exchange activities (MOE and MOF, 2005).
Taiwan
Similarly to China, the Taiwan government has realized that globalization has intensified the competition among higher education institutions in a worldwide sense. After a careful assessment, the Taiwan government recognizes that overseas competition, especially competition from mainland China, would become a major challenge to Taiwan's universities because of the technological advancement and rapid flow of human capital in the global age (Huang, 2001, 171–73; Lu, 2002). After Taiwan's accession to the World Trade Organization, overseas universities are allowed to expand their recruitment of Taiwan's students through educational agencies, distance learning, and two-track or dual-credit systems. In order to enhance the global competitiveness of universities in Taiwan against the highly competitive world, the Taiwan government began to call for the pursuit of academic excellence of universities in the late 1990s (Lo and Weng, 2005).
According to Executive Yuan's objectives set out in 2004, the Taiwan government is particularly keen to have at least one local university ranked among the top 100 universities within the next decade, and at least 15 key departments or cross-university research centres will become the top in Asia within the next 5 years (Lu, 2004, 9). In order to improve the quality of university standards, pursuing academic excellence and focusing universities' efforts on developing a selected few areas have become the policies adopted by the government to boost the research profile of universities in Taiwan. In 1998, the MOE and the National Science Council (NSC) jointly launched the Programme for Promoting Academic Excellence of Universities (Academic Excellence Programme), primarily aimed at improving universities' infrastructure and invigorating research (MOE, Taiwan, 2000). This Programme supports four research fields, including humanities and social sciences, life sciences, natural sciences, and engineering and applied sciences. Each research field has a focus of investigation:
1. For humanities and social sciences, the Academic Excellence Programme requests that research projects utilize local research materials for arguing against or elaborating theories from the West.
2. For life sciences, the Academic Excellence Programme stresses the importance of human physiology and development of biotechnology.
3. For natural sciences, the Academic Excellence Programme focuses on atmospheric sciences, materials sciences and earth sciences and expects these disciplines to be recognized internationally as of leading status.
4. For engineering and applied sciences, the Academic Excellence Programme highlights the importance of the applied studies of networking technologies, wireless communication technologies, and optics and photonics (MOE, Taiwan, 2000).
In addition, the MOE and NSC also formed a panel, consisting of eminent local and overseas academics to charge with selecting research projects for support by the programme. In the first round of the Academic Excellence Programme, a total of 261 research project applications were submitted. After rigorous review, a total amount of NT$ 4.3 billion were allocated to fund 19 projects and three of which were offered conditionally. The first round of the Programme was completed in 2004. To further develop a high-quality research culture in Taiwan, the second round of the Programme was launched in 2000 until 2006. There were 148 research project applications in this round and 12 projects were granted with a total amount of NT$ 2.1 billion. With a rigorous selection process in place, only 6.13% of research project applications were selected to be supported in the first round of the programme (excluding the three conditional offers), while 8.1% of applications were funded in the second round. The funded rate of humanities and social sciences projects was even lower (i.e., 15.55% for the first round and 3.29% for the second round). Most of the funding went to public institutions, while only two research projects jointly submitted by public and private institutions were funded (MOE, Taiwan, 2003a). After reviewing the various rounds of implementation, the government considers the Academic Excellence Programme successful in allowing effective integration of resources to foster cooperation and exchange between outstanding institutions and talented researchers, and boosting research capacity (NSC, 2005). Hence, the Taiwan government has become even committed to invest in key research areas in order to better place universities of Taiwan in the global map.
In addition to the Academic Excellence Programme discussed above, another initiative entitled the Programme for Improving University Fundamental Education (Fundamental Education Programme) under the Academic Excellence Programme has been implemented since 2001 to enhance the level of university's foundation and general studies (Lu, 2004, 8). Applications for this programme would be divided into five groups, namely humanities and social sciences, life sciences, natural sciences, engineering and applied sciences, and institutional integration. In the first round of the Fundamental Education Programme, 112 institutions submitted 432 applications, of which 192 projects from 92 institutions were selected to be funded. In terms of funding, 55.9% of the fund was granted to public institutions, while 44.1% of the fund was allocated to private institutions (MOE, Taiwan, 2004). The MOE has planned to allocate NT$ 1.8 billion for the second round of the programme. When putting the above discussion together, we can easily find that both the governments in China mainland and Taiwan have recognized the importance to enhance the global competitiveness of their universities and various reform strategies have been introduced to enable their universities to rank higher in the global ranking exercises.
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Questing for the ‘World-Class Status’: University Responses and Coping Strategies
China
In addition to the strategies adopted by these two Asian governments in the quest for world-class universities, higher education institutions in both societies are becoming increasingly keen in internationalizing their teaching and research programmes. In the last few years, the principal author of this article, Ka Ho Mok, has been involved in various kinds of academic exchange and international advisory work for selected higher education institutions in China mainland and Taiwan. Being invited as one of the international consultants, the principal author of this paper got a number of opportunities to interact with colleagues from Zhejiang University, ranked in the Top Three in China's university league. With a strong conviction to develop Zhejiang University as one of the leading universities in the world, the senior management of Zhejiang University has tried different strategies to better position the University in the global ranking exercise. For example, Zhejiang University has joined the Worldwide Universities Network (WUN), a global research network to promote international research collaboration. In 2007, the College of Education of Zhejiang University participated in the ‘Ideas and Universities’ virtual seminar series organized by the WUN; faculty members and students actively participated in the seminar series despite the fact that all seminars were conducted in late evening from either 9:00 pm or 10:00 pm because of the time difference between partnering institutions in the USA and the UK (WUN, 2007). Similarly, Nanjing University has also joined the WUN and also sent delegates from China to participate and present at the WUN conference organized in London in November 2007 in order to make the University more visible in the international academic community (WUN, 2007). Enhancing the international outlook of their faculty members, both Zhejiang University and Nanjing University have sent their faculty members for overseas academic exchanges by capitalizing the collaborative projects associated with WUN.
In order to benchmark with global universities, the senior management of Zhejiang University has set up an international advisory committee to advise the President how to better position the University in the global ranking exercise. The principal author of this article was appointed as one of these members, having chances to visit the University to interact with colleagues from different ranks to discuss how to enhance the University's ranking in the global university leagues. By inviting distinguished professors to join the international advisory committee, coupled with partnering with top universities overseas in co-organizing international conferences, the senior management of Zhejiang University strongly believes it would help promote the University as not only a leading university in mainland China but also a world renowned university. Similarly, the College of Government and Public Affairs at Zhongshan University in Gunagzhou, China, have been actively attempting to raise the international research profile in the last few years. The College has proactively collaborated with overseas institutions in co-organizing international conferences and symposia to promote its areas of research excellence. Most recently, the College has launched a new Social Welfare and Social Policy Research Institute to map out medium and long term of research development. After interviewing Professor King Lun Ngok, Director of the Research Institute, we realize how keen Zhongshan University is in establishing the designated research area as nationally and internationally recognized area of research excellence since the University administration has no ceiling cap for research investment in making the newly launched centre a major success in the near future (Interview with Ngok, May 2008). Being a Visiting Professor at the University of Bristol, Professor Ngok has attempted to develop closer links between the University of Bristol and Zhongshan University. According to Ngok, internationalization is one of the major drives for promoting Zhongshan University as a leading university in China. In its launch conference, Ngok invited the very top and prominent professors not only from China mainland but also from outside to raise the profile of the new research institute (Interview with Ngok, May 2008).
These examples are not unique to Zhejiang University in Hangzhou and Zhongshan University in Guangzhou; universities from Beijing and Shanghai are also very keen to strengthen their research and education programmes through partnering the best in the world. For instance, Social Development and Public Policy Research Institute at Beijing Normal University (BNU) is particularly keen to establish an international research collaboration with leading academic institutions overseas by setting a joint-research centre in public policy research. The Department of Social Work and Social Administration at the University of Hong Kong invited a delegation from BNU to Hong Kong to discuss international research collaboration, with particular focus on policy research. Throughout the process of discussion, we were hugely impressed by the strong determination and resourceful allocation of research grant in supporting such a research initiative. Mapping out the strategic research direction, the senior management of BNU has no financial difficulty to invest in such a research development project (Field Observation, October 2007). Similarly, College of Social Development and Social Policy at Fudan University has launched its international programme taught in English on subject matters related to social policy and social work. Partnering with the University of Hong Kong, Fudan University has developed joint-academic programme in Social Work profession. During the principal author's recent visit to this College at Fudan, he learned from the Associate Dean of the College that Fudan University is particularly keen to engage in deep collaboration with overseas institutions by launching joint programmes (Field Observation, March 2008). All in all, the examples outlined above have clearly demonstrated the strong determination of universities in China to reach out to the international academic community by internationalizing their research and teaching programmes and international benchmarking with the very best in order to excel themselves to be part of the selected few.
Taiwan
Similar to the vision and strategies adopted by major universities in China mainland, higher education institutions in Taiwan have been very keen to internationalize their teaching and research programmes. When the principal author of this article was serving as the Founding Director of the Centre of East Asian Studies at the University of Bristol from 2005 to 2007, he received many delegates from China and Taiwan for academic visits and exchange. Realizing the importance of internationalization of higher education curricula in China and Taiwan, the Centre of East Asian Studies at Bristol University has co-organized international summer schools with institutions from China and Taiwan in order to provide a platform engaging Asian students in appreciating cross-cultural studies in the UK. The College of Humanities of National Chi Nan University (NCNU) is particularly keen to send students to the Bristol summer school. With special financial support offered by the College of Humanities at NCNU, more students from Taiwan could enjoy experiential learning in the UK (CEAS, 2006, 2007). The Department of Social Work at National Taiwan University (NTU) has also been actively promoting international placement to enhance students' international outlook and enrich their overseas learning experiences. Most recently, the principal author of this article has been appointed by the President of NTU as one of the panel members of the International Advisory team to review the academic and research programmes offered by NTU. During his recent academic visit to NTU, the principal author got the chance to meet the senior management, faculty members and students of NTU. Through reviewing the Department of Social Work in terms of its strategic vision and development strategies, student and staff feedback on research and learning experiences, as well as its facilities, the author got to know how keen the department has been in terms of the internationalization agenda. Aligning with the vision and mission of the university and the faculty in internationalization, the department has made concerted efforts to engage with overseas leading universities in co-organizing international conferences, joint-research projects and other overseas internship/placement. Professor Lillian Wang, Head of the Social Work Department at NTU, openly told the panel members that the Department is serious benchmarking with top universities in Hong Kong, the USA and the UK. In the last five years, the department has engaged in co-organizing international symposia or conferences with overseas partners, sending out staff and students for international exchange and inviting speakers all over the world to give seminars at NTU (Field observation, June 2008).
Being a panel member of the review team and a faculty associate dean from the University of Hong Kong, the principal author has engaged in establishing deep collaboration with NTU. In June 2008, for instance, a delegation from NTU visited HKU to sign an agreement for international collaboration and exchange (Faculty of Social Sciences, HKU, June 2008). During his recent visit to NTU, Professor Yung-Mau Chao, Dean of the College of Social Sciences, actively explored with the principal author for international collaboration in terms of co-organizing conferences and joint-publications. Having the commitment in internationalizing the research profile of its colleagues, Professor Chao has agreed to invest more in promoting research scholarship by partnering with HKU for contemporary China research, a strategic research area designated by NTU (Field observation, December 2007). Like the NTU, the President of Tamkang University is also keen to deepen the international collaboration with overseas institutions. In 2005, a delegation led by the President of Tamkang University went to visit the University of Bristol in the UK. Serving as a coordinator for the academic visit and the former Founding Director of Centre of East Asian Studies at the University of Bristol, the delegation was well received by the Dean and Vice-Chancellor of the University. During his term at the University of Bristol, the principal author received many invitations to speak at various international conferences organized by universities in Taiwan. During his visits to various university campuses, it was apparent that one of the major areas concerning the development of international research collaboration was academic exchanges of both staff and students. For instance, Asia University, a newly founded university in the middle of Taiwan, had sent students to the international summer school at the University of Bristol; Tamkang University, to give another example, is particularly keen to deepen its relationship with the University of Hong Kong and Yonsei University in South Korea by setting up a ‘Three Campus Comparative East Asian Studies Programme’ for student exchange.
Similar to the role differentiation exercise conducted among universities in Hong Kong (Mok, 2005b), the Taiwan government is keen to develop a proper division of labour among universities on the island-state. It is in this context that there has been a heated debate whether to stratify the university system of Taiwan into different clusters by developing a better role differentiation among more than hundreds of universities (Li, 2008). In recent years, the MOE in Taiwan has conducted various kinds of academic reviews to promote universities to perform. In order to better position universities of Taiwan in the global ranking exercise, a ‘Forum on Taiwan Higher Education’ was organized in 2007; distinguished leaders and professors were invited to address the issues related to development plan for world-class universities and research centres of excellence. During the Forum, speakers critically examined the major challenges confronting the higher education sector in Taiwan, debating and discussing ways to promote excellent performance of universities in Taiwan (A Strategic Network Promoting for University Excellence, 2008). Having interviewed Professor Ching-Shan Wu, Executive Director of Higher Education Evaluation & Accreditation Council of Taiwan, the principal author of this article realizes the pressures felt by academics and higher education institutions in benchmarking with the international standard by publishing in top-tiered internationally refereed journals and peer-reviewed venues (Interview with Wu, May 2008). After close scrutiny of the international publications in SSCI, SCI and EI venues, Wu believes academics in Taiwan are lagging behind its international counterparts, hence proposing more attention should be given to internationalize research outputs especially in the intensified competitive research environment (Wu, 2008). Having been involved in university ranking and university evaluation research in the last few years, Professor Angela Hou shared with the authors that academics and higher education institutions are becoming increasingly concerned with the ranking exercises (Interview with Hou, May 2008). Despite the controversy over the accuracy of the university ranking, university presidents and deans are particularly keen to establish international links with top universities overseas. All the examples outlined above have clearly shown how universities in Taiwan have responded proactively to the quest for world-class university status.
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Conclusion
This article has critically examined policies and strategies adopted by the governments in China mainland and Taiwan in response to the growing pressures to internationalize and internal benchmark universities with the very best across different parts of the globe. Despite the controversial debates over the definitions of ‘world-class university’, both the governments in China and Taiwan have adopted a more pragmatic approach to address the issue. By concentrating resources on a selected few, these governments believe they would be able to boost some universities to climb higher in the global university leagues. Although there are heated debates among academics in China and Taiwan, universities in these two Chinese societies are far more instrumental by adopting different strategies discussed above to benchmark with the best in the world (Chen and Lo, 2007; Ngok and Guo, 2007). Perhaps what has been happening in the university campuses in these two societies might reveal the ‘late developer mentality’. By working extremely hard to rank higher in the global league tables, universities in China and Taiwan would consider it is the only alternative to assert their global status through various internationalization strategies. Such a ‘pragmatic instrumentalism’ has unquestionably overshadowed the academia in these Chinese societies. Deeper and critical reflections are really needed during the on-going ‘world-class university’ movement in Asia.
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Notes
1 The authors of this article want to express their gratitude to the Chiang Ching-Kuo Foundation for offering research grant in support of the research project entitled ‘A Comparative Study of Changing University Governance in China and Taiwan’. Materials reported and discussed in this article primarily base upon the intensive policy analysis, documentary analysis, literature research and field research conducted in China mainland and Taiwan from 2006 to 2008.
2 In 2003, there were 2,110 regular and adult HEIs in China, among which 175 are ‘people-run’. But apart from them, 1,104 of non-state run institutions are categorized as ‘other people-run higher education institution (qita minban gaodeng jiaoyu jiguo)’.
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Dilemmas of Education Reform in Taiwan: Internationalization or Localization?
Shen-Keng Yang, Ph.D.
Professor
Graduate Institute of Education
Paper presented at the 2001 Annual Meeting of the Comparative and International Education Society, Washington D. C., USA, March 13-17,2001
I. INTRODUCTION
Education without broad, high-level and clear cultural consciousness, as Ed. Spranger (1920:181) argues, would remain a limited craft. The history of education must also be history of culture. The structure of education reflects the cultural consciousness and codes prevailing in the historical situation in which the education take place. Education reform, as restructuration of education, is linked thus tightly to the cultural transformation.
The development of modern education system in western Europe since Enlightenment constitutes a chain of modernization. Modernization is characterized by Max Weber (1970:155) as a continuous process of rationalization, intellectualization, and above all a process of demystification of the world. The global diffusion of western rationality is thus conductive to the promotion of order and control and the achievement of enhanced interconnectedness of the world in a unified system. Modern education system, as product of the western modernization, has provided impetus that reinforced effective rational control of the world. The western model of rationalization is thus universalized as a highly institutionalized quasi world polity, which attempts to transcend particular cultural identities in favour of a universal identity (A. Benjamin, 1989:321)
As western modernity has achieved global proportions, the race for development in non-western countries feeds back and reinforces the compulsive attempt to "keep up", in a universal process of mimicry (S. Latouche, 1989:69). The theories, models, and concepts derived from western experiences are justifiably universalized. The establishment of modern education in many non-western countries was one chain of such a universal process of mimicry. Typical example was the education reform in Japan after Meiji Restoration of 1868. Under the new Meiji regime it was the Samurai reformers and the enlightened bureaucracy who launched an intensive programme of modernization which drew on and adapted western principles to the Japanese context. Education reform had played a major role to furnish the new bureaucratic elite so vital to the modernizing process. As A. Green (1997:38-39) notes, Japan provided the first example of universal process of modernization through education drawing on western influences.
The process of modernization in the western world since the Enlightenment reached its zenith in the last few decades as the whole world was virtually constructed as an electronic, universal, timeless and technical global system. Western technocratic rationality has brought the supreme domination of the principles of cultural and social construction, such as rationality, order, efficiency and unity to such an extreme that postmodern decentralism, asetheticism pluralism have been disseminated in response to modern logocentrism, Eurocentrism and totalitarianism. In the wake of postmodern criticism against the Eurocentric, hegemonic tendencies of modern science and technology, there arises also in many areas in the world a cultural consciousness of insurrection of subjugated knowledge against western domination in educational theory and practice. As V. Masemann (1990:1848-1857) argues, indigenous knowledge forms in the areas of world that are not "successfully" industrialized are once again seen valid forms of knowledge. Education reform project based on western-oriented rationalistic logic should not be imposed on the non-western world. Indigenous knowledges, values have been taken into serious accounts in implementing education reform in many parts of the world.
As part of the closely interconnected global system resulted from western rationalistic logic, Taiwan can not escape the western influences in the educational innovation. Theory of human capital and theory of modernization played vital role in Taiwan education policy implementation in 1960s, evidently influenced by western rationalistic logic of efficiency. However, in the wake of postmodern criticism against Eurocentric rationalism, Taiwan has cherished local or indigenous languages, values and forms of knowledge in the recent education reform. In search for her own cultural identity through education, Taiwan has been confronted with the problems caused not only by the global trends of internationalization, but also by her specific historical fate: under Japanese colonialism for 50 years and afterwards under the Martial Law control of Sino-centric hegemonic government from 1949 to 1987. It is therefore essential to give an historical analysis before proceeding to discuss the current issues of education reform in Taiwan.
II. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
Taiwan was ceded to Japan, as China (Ching Dynasty) was defeated by Japanese military invasion in 1895. The Japanese Government-General of Formosa in Taiwan deemed education the best and surest way to bring the people of the newly aquired territory under the Imperial control and to impart to them the national characteristic of the ruling race (Department of Educational Affairs of Government-General of Formosa, 1916:4).To meet the demand of so called " national characteristic education ", the Office for the Department of Educational Affairs was opened in the June, 1895. Japanese Language Schools with attached Normal School Departments were founded in different places in Taiwan for promoting Imperial colonial education. People were encouraged to change their names from Chinese into Japanese with substantial material and " honourable " rewards.
After the restoration of Taiwan to China in 1945, the urgent task of Taiwan authority was to exterminate the iniquitous effects of Japanese colonialism on Taiwan and to set up new national identity. In the National Meeting of Post-war Education held in September 1945, " partriotization " (tsu kuo hwa) was proposed as main educational policy for the government of Taiwan. The so-called " patriotization " is actually " Chinization ". Under the " partriotization " policy, " education for nationalism " and " Chinese culture education " were specifically emphasized and persistently launched. Concrete measures included the prohibition of circulation of Japanese books and the alternation of Japanese appellation of districts, streets and schools etc. to get rid of the influence of Japanese culture. Towards the cultivation of the unified Chinese consciousness, strict strategies for unification of national language were adopted. The strategies included the edition of unified official school textbooks, prohibition of the use of Taiwanese dialects in schools, and limitation of performance of local and indigenous arts on mass communication network etc. In order to cultivate competent teacher for unified national language and national culture, " Phonetics of Chinese Language " and " Four Books ( Four Chinese Ancient Classics )" were instituted as required courses in teacher education curriculum.
The Grand-China-oriented nationalism had been much more emphasized since the government of the Republic of China moved its site to Taiwan after the military defeat in 1949. The new Chinese School System revised in 1922 had been adopted also in Taiwan since Post-war educational reconstruction.
Paradoxically enough, nationalism based on the Chinese culture and economic rationalism based on western efficiency logic had been combined in education policy making since 1949. On the one hand, the eminent danger of military invasion and internal subversion form the Communist China made it urgent need to form a solid spiritual national defence forces, of which teacher education was thought to be one of the most important. Teacher training institutions were established exclusively by government and limited to public institutions. Cultural nationalism with strong China-orientation was cherished in the education. On the other hand, western efficiency logic of capitalism was also urgently needed in Taiwan for developing industry and foreign trade in order to survive herself in the highly competitive international jungle. Theory of human capital, theory of modernization and competency-based education had been specifically underscored in the education policy since 1960s with a view to promoting economic development through effective educational implementation.
Since 1980s high-tech industries had been developing at very rapid pace. The rapid economic growth and political stability in recent years has given the government the confidence that martial law was no longer necessary to keep national security and it was lifted on July 15, 1987. Democratization, pluralism and liberalization have hence been sought for in every socio-cultural sphere. Reform in education has been crying out for meeting the demand of the changing social reality. The government in Taiwan on its part has also been championing education reform with great effort.
III. RECENT EDUCATION REFORM
Education reform has been becoming much more enormous social, political and moral concern in such a turning age of technological, economical and socio-cultural changes bringing challenges to the operation of education. The world wide general pessimistic tone of inability of education to cope with the emerging social problems has pushed many countries to take measures of educational reform. The focus of reform efforts all around the world seems to have been changing from restructuring public education in 1980s to raising national educational standards with a view to strengthening international competitiveness in 1990s (cf. Shen-Keng Yang, 1998; Shen-Keng Yang, 2000; E. H. Berman, 1996).
Not going against the worldwide current, Taiwan has also embarked on a continuous programme of educational reform. In 1983 a Research Group for the Reform of School System (學制改革研究小組) was built by Ministry of Education to investigate the feasible strategies for reorganizing school system. However, only very few of the proposals by the Research Group have been put into practice. Four years latter, the Martial Law was lifted. Democratization, pluralism and liberalization have been sought for in every socio-cultural sphere. Reform in education has been crying out for meeting the demand of the changing social reality. Since the early 1990s a popular sense of educational crisis has been resulting in the feeling that the system must undertake major changes. It was under these circumstances calling for drastic action that led to the premier's approval for the establishment of a cabinet-level ad hoc Council on Education Reform (教育改革審議委員會) in September 1994. The thirty-one Council Members, under the chairmanship of Professor Lee Yuan-Tze, Nobel Laureate in Chemistry, were assigned the task of studying the feasible strategies for restructuring educational system to meet the new demand of the coming century. After two-year study, the Council published the General Consultation Report for Education Reform (教育改革總諮議報告書) on December 2, 1996.(Council on Education Reform, 1996). To implement the reform proposals, the Executive Yuan set up an inter-ministrial Commission for Promoting Education Reform (教育改革推動委員會) in January, 1997, under the coordination of former Vice-premier Liu Chao-Hsuan. Furthermore, in his Inaugural Address President Chen Shui-Bian reaffirmed the determination of New Government to launch on overall education reform in the Republic of China on Taiwan: "We will seek a consensus among the ruling and opposite parties, academics and public to carry on with educational reforms and build a healthy, proactive, lively and innovative education system, which will allow Taiwan to cultivate first-class, outstanding talents amid the fierce international competition. We let Taiwan move gradually toward a "learning organization" and a " knowledge-based society". We will also encourage people to take up life-long learning to fully develop their potential."
In response to the said reform proposals and reform ideas, the central government and many local governments in Taiwan on their part also took many initiatives and set up co-coordinated effort in planning and promoting reforms. Several laws, decrees and working guidelines have been enacted or revised as part of the overall educational innovation.
FROM IDEAS TO MANDATES
The focus of reform concern of the Research Group for the Reform of School System in 1983 was, as indicated earlier in this paper, the reorganization of educational system. However, the new social demands caused by the technological, economic and cultural changes during the turn of the new millennium make it imperative to improve extensively and penetratively the whole quality of education in Taiwan. Thus the mottos interwoven in the General Consultation Report for education Reform are deregulating governmental control over education and exempting education from unnecessary constraints, safeguiding the children's and students' learning rights, protecting the parents' choice right of education patterns and paths for their immature children and respect for the teachers' professional autonomy.
Under the guideline of these mottos, the Council on Education Reform set up the following education reform goals:
1.Modernizing educational processes and ends;
2.Meeting individual as well as social needs;
3.Establishing life-long learning society;
4.Promoting extensive and penetrative innovation of educational system.
To actualize these goals, totally thirty-two recommendations including reforming elementary, secondary and higher education, improving and diversifying channels of admission to higher level schools and universities and facilitating life-long learning were suggested to bring about fundamental changes of education in Taiwan.
To implement the reform proposals, an inter-ministrial Commission for Promoting Education Reform was set up and assigned the task of monitoring the progress of actualizing the reform proposals. On April 4, 1998, the Commission approved the proposed Twelve Education Reform Mandates (教育改革行動方案), allocating a special budget of NT$ 150,000,000,000 (equivalent to US$ 5 billions) for the unprecedented mission to be accomplished in five years. The proposal was then finalized by the Executive Yuan and Legislative Yuan on May 14, 1998, leaving greater leverage for unprecedented education changes in Taiwan. These twelve education reform mandates run as follows:
1. Revamping National Education Projects, K-12.
2. Fostering Pre-school and Kindergarten Education Programs.
3. Renovating Teacher Education and In-service Training Programs.
4. Promoting Impeccable Diversified Vocational Education.
5. Pursuing Excellence in Higher Education and Its Development.
6. Advocating Lifelong Learning Projects.
7. Strengthening Educational Programs Designed for the Handicapped.
8. Invigorating Educational Programs for the Native Taiwanese (Aboriginals).
9. Expanding Access to Colleges and Universities.
10. Creating a New System Integrating Teaching, Guidance, and Counseling.
11. Increasing the Educational Budget for the Enhancement of Educational Research.
12. Accelerating the Promotion of Family Value/Ethics through Parental Education.
FROM MANDATES TO LEGISLATION
Since the Executive Yuan has set time limit for implementing the Reform Mandates within 5 years, the Ministry of Education and the related Educational Authorities in Taiwan took immediately the coordinated initiatives to review and revise the existing laws and to enact the new laws. Among these pieces of legislation the revised University Law, the Teacher Education Act and the Law of Teacher Union and Teacher Selection are thought to be particularly significant in restructuring education system in Taiwan. Moreover, the promulgation of the Education Basic Law has laid the cornerstone of fundamental educational innovation for the coming millennium.
First of all, so far as the revision of University Law is concerned, it launched an accelerated process of educational liberalization and deregulation. The new University Law has reduced the centralized power of the Ministry of Education over universities and colleges, and consequently the campus operations have become more flexible. New system of selection and/or election of academic chief(department head, dean and university president) has replaced the old system, which deans and department heads are used to be appointed by University president, and university president by Ministry of Education. To assure more financial autonomy of public universities, a " University Development Fund System" was established to provide more flexibility to public universities in using their revenue from students' tuition fees, college-enterprise cooperation and research projects. However, where is freedom, there is responsibility. Under this system, the public universities have to assume the full responsibility for some 20% of their annual operation. Each university will take the consequences when it comes to deficit and will thus have to raise fund for university operation. The way to acquire educational resources will become a very serious issue for most of the public universities.
As for the free market mechanism in restructuring teacher education, the new Teacher Education Act plays a crucial role in the supply and demand of qualified teachers. According to the new Act, access to institute teachers education program is open to all the qualified universities, in contrast to the previous planned teacher education, that is, only national universities are accredited exclusively to set up teacher training program. The Administrative Guideline for Accreditation of Teacher Education Program encourages the universities to build teacher training programmes full of their own distinct feathers. In order to win in the highly competitive market of teacher's employment, each university will establish specifically characteristic teacher education program to attract more able teacher students.
Moreover, with the enactment of Teacher Union and Selection Law, not only is teacher's professional quality more guaranteed, but also is his professional right protected from political and ideological interferences. According to the law, the right to recruit new teachers is authorized to the Selection and Screening Committee of Teachers. Thus the possible bias resulted from arbitrary preference of school headmaster or principal to employ unsuitable teacher can be avoided. When teachers' professional rights are encroached upon, they can appeal to local and then to central Committee of Appeal and Arbitration for Teachers asking for redress.
Finally, the most important piece of educational legislation in recent years in Taiwan is the Education Basic Law. Fundamental and drastic changes in education will be expected in the near future after the enactment of the Law. The Law stipulates that all the people are the subject of educational right (Article 2). People's right to accept education is thus fully protected and students' subjectivity and individuality are properly respected. With the Law, the government can extend the period for compulsory education from the current nine years to 12 years (Article 11). The Law also provides that the central government must delegate more authority to local administrations in handling education, thus allowing a more diversified and localized curriculum for students (Article 9). In addition, underprivileged students, including those who live in remote areas, will be given special treatment to ensure their equal educational opportunities (Article 4). The Law also requires educational authorities to remain neutral when giving instruction on the subjects of politics and religion and make sure they don't influence education. Educational authorities are not allowed to force students, teachers or staff members to participate in political and religious activities, or to promote political or religious groups (Article 6).
The Education Basic Law is paving the way for the implementation of numerous education innovations in Taiwan.
FROM LEGISLATION TO CONCRETE MEASURES
Before and after the promulgation of the Education Basic Law on June 23, 1999, the Ministry of Education and the related educational authorities in Taiwan have made many efforts to review existing educational laws and administrative decrees. After careful study, many Education Reform Initiatives have announced. Among the reform programs, the following three are thought to be most important in bringing about radical changes for betterment of educational quality:
1. Improvement of System of Admission to University and to Senior High School
Taiwan like many Asian countries, Japan, Korea, e.g., has been prevailed by a phenomenon of so-called " school promotionism ". In order to climb up the school ladder to reach university and college, once youngsters are in high school they have to spend long hours in coaching classes which prepared them for entrance examination, held annually. In a period of three years, they have to pass two highly competitive entrance examinations, one to enter academic type senior high schools and the other to enter colleges and universities.
In order to reduce students' working load and parents' heavy burden, a new System of Multiple Channels for Admission will be enforced from academic year 2002. Three main channels of admission are instituted: The first one is called " selection through recommendation, in which a university selects candidates among students recommended by high schools according to the criteria prescribed by its departments. The second selection mechanism is through a two-stage process: the admission is dependent on the results of two examinations. The first examination administered by College Entrance Examination Center includes 5 basic high school teaching subjects. The second examination includes the subjects assigned by the university according to its own need and academic standard. The third channel of admission is through only one examination, of which only the four or five assigned teaching subjects are tested.
The entrance to senior high school is also undergoing a drastic change. The joint entrance examination of senior high school will be completely abolished in 2001. The result of Basic Competency Test of Junior High School will become the main criteria for senior high school for selecting students and/or approving the admission- -application.
2. Scheme of Basic Competency Test for Junior High School Students
In correspondence to the reform of senior high school entrance admission, a Scheme of Basic Competency Test for Junior High School Students has been envisaged to be enforced in 2000. In contrast to the achievement test of previous joint entrance examination, the Basic Competency Test aims to evaluate the students' fundamental knowledges and skills. The students can take one or multiple times test. They can choose the best one result of the tests to apply for the admission to the senior high schools. The test contents are confined to the subject categories as defined by Nine-year Integrated Curricula.
3.Nine-year Integrated Curricula
Among reform initiatives, the Nine-year Integrated Curricula starting 2001 is the most influential education innovation, which will bring about not only structural, but also substantial educational changes. The new curricula will significantly simplify in the treatment of the great diversity of subjects in elementary and junior high schools (1st to 9th grades). Previously the elementary and junior high school subjects are taught separately and are not linked with each other in functions. With the new curricula the teaching subjects (from grade 1 to grade 9) will be integrated into the following categories:
1." Languages and Literature" will include the four language skills of listening, speaking, reading and writing- the basic abilities of efficient communication.
2." Physical and Mental Health" will include physical and mental development, and athletic skills.
3." Social Sciences" will cover motifs such as history and culture, geographic environment, social system and civic responsibilities.
4." Arts and Humanities" will be divided into music, fine arts and performing arts.
5." Mathematics" will focus on solving process and inferring abilities.
6." Nature and Sciences" will cover themes such as resources and energy, natural life and environment.
7." Multiple Activities" will contain group programs and activities such as counseling and resource utilization.
In addition, schools are authorized the right to design their own curricula with local feathers, even with schools' unique characteristics. Therefore all the schools will have to set up curriculum-developing committees to design their own teaching materials and activities.
To enforce the new reform programs, the business of the greatest urgency at present is to affirm the nation's education resources and preparation. All the teachers have to participate urgently in the in-service training programs in order to adjust their teaching methods and teaching attitudes so as to meet the change of curricula.
IV. TRENDS AND ISSUES
Based on the above discussions, the following trends of education reform in Taiwan can be observed:
1.The introduction of market mechanism into educational process has forced governments to reduce their control over education.
2.Through pursuing social goals and international competitiveness, education in Taiwan has turned to individual dignity, value and learning needs.
3.Children's educational right, parents' right to choose suitable education types for their children and teachers' professional autonomy are duly respected and protected.
4.Multiple channels of admission to senior high schools and universities are designed to secure substantial educational equality and social justice.
5.Flexible integrated curriculum is designed to meet individual, social needs and to cultivate competent citizens with international vision.
6.Learning society is under the process of planning to secure continuous national development.
However, serious educational problems are also caused by the imbalance between competition and social justice, between power of private sector, parents, school and government. Most of the teachers are in need of in-service training to adapt their teaching methods and attitudes so as to meet the challenges of educational reform.
Furthermore, ideology conflicts seem inevitably to be found behind the afore-mentioned education reform measures in Taiwan. In order to form her own national and cultural identity, Taiwan tries every possible to get ride of Japanese colonial influence and escape from China-oriented nationalism. An increase of the teaching material of local history and geography as well as local arts is evidently seen in the recent curriculum reform at very school level. In the wake of pluralism and mutual respect of all the ethnic groups in Taiwan, varieties of Taiwanese dialects have become the required courses in the primary school in contrast to their prohibition in favour of the monopoly of Mandarin in school curriculum under the Martial Law control before 1987. All in all, local or indigenous forms of knowledge and value are cherished in the recent education reform.
Localization is not, however, the only way of education reform leading to form self-identity and national posperity for Taiwan. The world today, as the Joint Statement of the Second APEC Education Ministerial Meeting (APEC, 2000) declare," is now truly the global village it was once envisaged to be. ". The advancement of science and technology, has make all parts of the world much more interconnected and mutual interdependent. Global economic and social trends will have impacts on the educational development. Internationalization of education is thus necessary to open the door for better mutual understanding and appreciation of rich diversities. It is in this spirit of the age that makes Taiwan take internationalization as one of the major mottos in the education reform. The measures for promoting educational internationalization includes mainly training teachers for English courses in primary schools, instituting systems of transfer of credits between universities, creating inter-university and international programs, enhancing budget for inviting foreign visiting scholars and assisting students to study abroad, etc. All the measures aim to help students acquire new knowledge about other cultures and countries.
Tensions between internationalization and localization seem to be arising in education reform. However, internationalization should not be confined to the understanding of other cultures and interchanges of the values and knowledges in international arena. Internationalization, as an overarching objective, is defined by R. M. Paige and J. A. Mestenhauser (1999: 504) as " a complex, multidimensional learning process that includes the integrative, intercultural, interdisciplinary, comparative, transfer of knowledge-technology, contextual and global dimensions of knowledge construction. It is an international mind-set leading to further construction of knowledge and value attitude. Only this perspective can resolve the ideology conflicts in Taiwan education reform. Localization of education will make Taiwanese people aware better their own cultural roots so as to give them points of reference that enable them to determine their place in the world. This clear cultural self-identity is the starting point of learning process towards understanding and respect for the cultures and spiritual value of various civilizations. The final ideal of education reform in Taiwan should therefore lie in the harmonious integration of localization and internationalization that leads to help people have a better self understanding and understanding of the world.
Professor
Graduate Institute of Education
Paper presented at the 2001 Annual Meeting of the Comparative and International Education Society, Washington D. C., USA, March 13-17,2001
I. INTRODUCTION
Education without broad, high-level and clear cultural consciousness, as Ed. Spranger (1920:181) argues, would remain a limited craft. The history of education must also be history of culture. The structure of education reflects the cultural consciousness and codes prevailing in the historical situation in which the education take place. Education reform, as restructuration of education, is linked thus tightly to the cultural transformation.
The development of modern education system in western Europe since Enlightenment constitutes a chain of modernization. Modernization is characterized by Max Weber (1970:155) as a continuous process of rationalization, intellectualization, and above all a process of demystification of the world. The global diffusion of western rationality is thus conductive to the promotion of order and control and the achievement of enhanced interconnectedness of the world in a unified system. Modern education system, as product of the western modernization, has provided impetus that reinforced effective rational control of the world. The western model of rationalization is thus universalized as a highly institutionalized quasi world polity, which attempts to transcend particular cultural identities in favour of a universal identity (A. Benjamin, 1989:321)
As western modernity has achieved global proportions, the race for development in non-western countries feeds back and reinforces the compulsive attempt to "keep up", in a universal process of mimicry (S. Latouche, 1989:69). The theories, models, and concepts derived from western experiences are justifiably universalized. The establishment of modern education in many non-western countries was one chain of such a universal process of mimicry. Typical example was the education reform in Japan after Meiji Restoration of 1868. Under the new Meiji regime it was the Samurai reformers and the enlightened bureaucracy who launched an intensive programme of modernization which drew on and adapted western principles to the Japanese context. Education reform had played a major role to furnish the new bureaucratic elite so vital to the modernizing process. As A. Green (1997:38-39) notes, Japan provided the first example of universal process of modernization through education drawing on western influences.
The process of modernization in the western world since the Enlightenment reached its zenith in the last few decades as the whole world was virtually constructed as an electronic, universal, timeless and technical global system. Western technocratic rationality has brought the supreme domination of the principles of cultural and social construction, such as rationality, order, efficiency and unity to such an extreme that postmodern decentralism, asetheticism pluralism have been disseminated in response to modern logocentrism, Eurocentrism and totalitarianism. In the wake of postmodern criticism against the Eurocentric, hegemonic tendencies of modern science and technology, there arises also in many areas in the world a cultural consciousness of insurrection of subjugated knowledge against western domination in educational theory and practice. As V. Masemann (1990:1848-1857) argues, indigenous knowledge forms in the areas of world that are not "successfully" industrialized are once again seen valid forms of knowledge. Education reform project based on western-oriented rationalistic logic should not be imposed on the non-western world. Indigenous knowledges, values have been taken into serious accounts in implementing education reform in many parts of the world.
As part of the closely interconnected global system resulted from western rationalistic logic, Taiwan can not escape the western influences in the educational innovation. Theory of human capital and theory of modernization played vital role in Taiwan education policy implementation in 1960s, evidently influenced by western rationalistic logic of efficiency. However, in the wake of postmodern criticism against Eurocentric rationalism, Taiwan has cherished local or indigenous languages, values and forms of knowledge in the recent education reform. In search for her own cultural identity through education, Taiwan has been confronted with the problems caused not only by the global trends of internationalization, but also by her specific historical fate: under Japanese colonialism for 50 years and afterwards under the Martial Law control of Sino-centric hegemonic government from 1949 to 1987. It is therefore essential to give an historical analysis before proceeding to discuss the current issues of education reform in Taiwan.
II. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
Taiwan was ceded to Japan, as China (Ching Dynasty) was defeated by Japanese military invasion in 1895. The Japanese Government-General of Formosa in Taiwan deemed education the best and surest way to bring the people of the newly aquired territory under the Imperial control and to impart to them the national characteristic of the ruling race (Department of Educational Affairs of Government-General of Formosa, 1916:4).To meet the demand of so called " national characteristic education ", the Office for the Department of Educational Affairs was opened in the June, 1895. Japanese Language Schools with attached Normal School Departments were founded in different places in Taiwan for promoting Imperial colonial education. People were encouraged to change their names from Chinese into Japanese with substantial material and " honourable " rewards.
After the restoration of Taiwan to China in 1945, the urgent task of Taiwan authority was to exterminate the iniquitous effects of Japanese colonialism on Taiwan and to set up new national identity. In the National Meeting of Post-war Education held in September 1945, " partriotization " (tsu kuo hwa) was proposed as main educational policy for the government of Taiwan. The so-called " patriotization " is actually " Chinization ". Under the " partriotization " policy, " education for nationalism " and " Chinese culture education " were specifically emphasized and persistently launched. Concrete measures included the prohibition of circulation of Japanese books and the alternation of Japanese appellation of districts, streets and schools etc. to get rid of the influence of Japanese culture. Towards the cultivation of the unified Chinese consciousness, strict strategies for unification of national language were adopted. The strategies included the edition of unified official school textbooks, prohibition of the use of Taiwanese dialects in schools, and limitation of performance of local and indigenous arts on mass communication network etc. In order to cultivate competent teacher for unified national language and national culture, " Phonetics of Chinese Language " and " Four Books ( Four Chinese Ancient Classics )" were instituted as required courses in teacher education curriculum.
The Grand-China-oriented nationalism had been much more emphasized since the government of the Republic of China moved its site to Taiwan after the military defeat in 1949. The new Chinese School System revised in 1922 had been adopted also in Taiwan since Post-war educational reconstruction.
Paradoxically enough, nationalism based on the Chinese culture and economic rationalism based on western efficiency logic had been combined in education policy making since 1949. On the one hand, the eminent danger of military invasion and internal subversion form the Communist China made it urgent need to form a solid spiritual national defence forces, of which teacher education was thought to be one of the most important. Teacher training institutions were established exclusively by government and limited to public institutions. Cultural nationalism with strong China-orientation was cherished in the education. On the other hand, western efficiency logic of capitalism was also urgently needed in Taiwan for developing industry and foreign trade in order to survive herself in the highly competitive international jungle. Theory of human capital, theory of modernization and competency-based education had been specifically underscored in the education policy since 1960s with a view to promoting economic development through effective educational implementation.
Since 1980s high-tech industries had been developing at very rapid pace. The rapid economic growth and political stability in recent years has given the government the confidence that martial law was no longer necessary to keep national security and it was lifted on July 15, 1987. Democratization, pluralism and liberalization have hence been sought for in every socio-cultural sphere. Reform in education has been crying out for meeting the demand of the changing social reality. The government in Taiwan on its part has also been championing education reform with great effort.
III. RECENT EDUCATION REFORM
Education reform has been becoming much more enormous social, political and moral concern in such a turning age of technological, economical and socio-cultural changes bringing challenges to the operation of education. The world wide general pessimistic tone of inability of education to cope with the emerging social problems has pushed many countries to take measures of educational reform. The focus of reform efforts all around the world seems to have been changing from restructuring public education in 1980s to raising national educational standards with a view to strengthening international competitiveness in 1990s (cf. Shen-Keng Yang, 1998; Shen-Keng Yang, 2000; E. H. Berman, 1996).
Not going against the worldwide current, Taiwan has also embarked on a continuous programme of educational reform. In 1983 a Research Group for the Reform of School System (學制改革研究小組) was built by Ministry of Education to investigate the feasible strategies for reorganizing school system. However, only very few of the proposals by the Research Group have been put into practice. Four years latter, the Martial Law was lifted. Democratization, pluralism and liberalization have been sought for in every socio-cultural sphere. Reform in education has been crying out for meeting the demand of the changing social reality. Since the early 1990s a popular sense of educational crisis has been resulting in the feeling that the system must undertake major changes. It was under these circumstances calling for drastic action that led to the premier's approval for the establishment of a cabinet-level ad hoc Council on Education Reform (教育改革審議委員會) in September 1994. The thirty-one Council Members, under the chairmanship of Professor Lee Yuan-Tze, Nobel Laureate in Chemistry, were assigned the task of studying the feasible strategies for restructuring educational system to meet the new demand of the coming century. After two-year study, the Council published the General Consultation Report for Education Reform (教育改革總諮議報告書) on December 2, 1996.(Council on Education Reform, 1996). To implement the reform proposals, the Executive Yuan set up an inter-ministrial Commission for Promoting Education Reform (教育改革推動委員會) in January, 1997, under the coordination of former Vice-premier Liu Chao-Hsuan. Furthermore, in his Inaugural Address President Chen Shui-Bian reaffirmed the determination of New Government to launch on overall education reform in the Republic of China on Taiwan: "We will seek a consensus among the ruling and opposite parties, academics and public to carry on with educational reforms and build a healthy, proactive, lively and innovative education system, which will allow Taiwan to cultivate first-class, outstanding talents amid the fierce international competition. We let Taiwan move gradually toward a "learning organization" and a " knowledge-based society". We will also encourage people to take up life-long learning to fully develop their potential."
In response to the said reform proposals and reform ideas, the central government and many local governments in Taiwan on their part also took many initiatives and set up co-coordinated effort in planning and promoting reforms. Several laws, decrees and working guidelines have been enacted or revised as part of the overall educational innovation.
FROM IDEAS TO MANDATES
The focus of reform concern of the Research Group for the Reform of School System in 1983 was, as indicated earlier in this paper, the reorganization of educational system. However, the new social demands caused by the technological, economic and cultural changes during the turn of the new millennium make it imperative to improve extensively and penetratively the whole quality of education in Taiwan. Thus the mottos interwoven in the General Consultation Report for education Reform are deregulating governmental control over education and exempting education from unnecessary constraints, safeguiding the children's and students' learning rights, protecting the parents' choice right of education patterns and paths for their immature children and respect for the teachers' professional autonomy.
Under the guideline of these mottos, the Council on Education Reform set up the following education reform goals:
1.Modernizing educational processes and ends;
2.Meeting individual as well as social needs;
3.Establishing life-long learning society;
4.Promoting extensive and penetrative innovation of educational system.
To actualize these goals, totally thirty-two recommendations including reforming elementary, secondary and higher education, improving and diversifying channels of admission to higher level schools and universities and facilitating life-long learning were suggested to bring about fundamental changes of education in Taiwan.
To implement the reform proposals, an inter-ministrial Commission for Promoting Education Reform was set up and assigned the task of monitoring the progress of actualizing the reform proposals. On April 4, 1998, the Commission approved the proposed Twelve Education Reform Mandates (教育改革行動方案), allocating a special budget of NT$ 150,000,000,000 (equivalent to US$ 5 billions) for the unprecedented mission to be accomplished in five years. The proposal was then finalized by the Executive Yuan and Legislative Yuan on May 14, 1998, leaving greater leverage for unprecedented education changes in Taiwan. These twelve education reform mandates run as follows:
1. Revamping National Education Projects, K-12.
2. Fostering Pre-school and Kindergarten Education Programs.
3. Renovating Teacher Education and In-service Training Programs.
4. Promoting Impeccable Diversified Vocational Education.
5. Pursuing Excellence in Higher Education and Its Development.
6. Advocating Lifelong Learning Projects.
7. Strengthening Educational Programs Designed for the Handicapped.
8. Invigorating Educational Programs for the Native Taiwanese (Aboriginals).
9. Expanding Access to Colleges and Universities.
10. Creating a New System Integrating Teaching, Guidance, and Counseling.
11. Increasing the Educational Budget for the Enhancement of Educational Research.
12. Accelerating the Promotion of Family Value/Ethics through Parental Education.
FROM MANDATES TO LEGISLATION
Since the Executive Yuan has set time limit for implementing the Reform Mandates within 5 years, the Ministry of Education and the related Educational Authorities in Taiwan took immediately the coordinated initiatives to review and revise the existing laws and to enact the new laws. Among these pieces of legislation the revised University Law, the Teacher Education Act and the Law of Teacher Union and Teacher Selection are thought to be particularly significant in restructuring education system in Taiwan. Moreover, the promulgation of the Education Basic Law has laid the cornerstone of fundamental educational innovation for the coming millennium.
First of all, so far as the revision of University Law is concerned, it launched an accelerated process of educational liberalization and deregulation. The new University Law has reduced the centralized power of the Ministry of Education over universities and colleges, and consequently the campus operations have become more flexible. New system of selection and/or election of academic chief(department head, dean and university president) has replaced the old system, which deans and department heads are used to be appointed by University president, and university president by Ministry of Education. To assure more financial autonomy of public universities, a " University Development Fund System" was established to provide more flexibility to public universities in using their revenue from students' tuition fees, college-enterprise cooperation and research projects. However, where is freedom, there is responsibility. Under this system, the public universities have to assume the full responsibility for some 20% of their annual operation. Each university will take the consequences when it comes to deficit and will thus have to raise fund for university operation. The way to acquire educational resources will become a very serious issue for most of the public universities.
As for the free market mechanism in restructuring teacher education, the new Teacher Education Act plays a crucial role in the supply and demand of qualified teachers. According to the new Act, access to institute teachers education program is open to all the qualified universities, in contrast to the previous planned teacher education, that is, only national universities are accredited exclusively to set up teacher training program. The Administrative Guideline for Accreditation of Teacher Education Program encourages the universities to build teacher training programmes full of their own distinct feathers. In order to win in the highly competitive market of teacher's employment, each university will establish specifically characteristic teacher education program to attract more able teacher students.
Moreover, with the enactment of Teacher Union and Selection Law, not only is teacher's professional quality more guaranteed, but also is his professional right protected from political and ideological interferences. According to the law, the right to recruit new teachers is authorized to the Selection and Screening Committee of Teachers. Thus the possible bias resulted from arbitrary preference of school headmaster or principal to employ unsuitable teacher can be avoided. When teachers' professional rights are encroached upon, they can appeal to local and then to central Committee of Appeal and Arbitration for Teachers asking for redress.
Finally, the most important piece of educational legislation in recent years in Taiwan is the Education Basic Law. Fundamental and drastic changes in education will be expected in the near future after the enactment of the Law. The Law stipulates that all the people are the subject of educational right (Article 2). People's right to accept education is thus fully protected and students' subjectivity and individuality are properly respected. With the Law, the government can extend the period for compulsory education from the current nine years to 12 years (Article 11). The Law also provides that the central government must delegate more authority to local administrations in handling education, thus allowing a more diversified and localized curriculum for students (Article 9). In addition, underprivileged students, including those who live in remote areas, will be given special treatment to ensure their equal educational opportunities (Article 4). The Law also requires educational authorities to remain neutral when giving instruction on the subjects of politics and religion and make sure they don't influence education. Educational authorities are not allowed to force students, teachers or staff members to participate in political and religious activities, or to promote political or religious groups (Article 6).
The Education Basic Law is paving the way for the implementation of numerous education innovations in Taiwan.
FROM LEGISLATION TO CONCRETE MEASURES
Before and after the promulgation of the Education Basic Law on June 23, 1999, the Ministry of Education and the related educational authorities in Taiwan have made many efforts to review existing educational laws and administrative decrees. After careful study, many Education Reform Initiatives have announced. Among the reform programs, the following three are thought to be most important in bringing about radical changes for betterment of educational quality:
1. Improvement of System of Admission to University and to Senior High School
Taiwan like many Asian countries, Japan, Korea, e.g., has been prevailed by a phenomenon of so-called " school promotionism ". In order to climb up the school ladder to reach university and college, once youngsters are in high school they have to spend long hours in coaching classes which prepared them for entrance examination, held annually. In a period of three years, they have to pass two highly competitive entrance examinations, one to enter academic type senior high schools and the other to enter colleges and universities.
In order to reduce students' working load and parents' heavy burden, a new System of Multiple Channels for Admission will be enforced from academic year 2002. Three main channels of admission are instituted: The first one is called " selection through recommendation, in which a university selects candidates among students recommended by high schools according to the criteria prescribed by its departments. The second selection mechanism is through a two-stage process: the admission is dependent on the results of two examinations. The first examination administered by College Entrance Examination Center includes 5 basic high school teaching subjects. The second examination includes the subjects assigned by the university according to its own need and academic standard. The third channel of admission is through only one examination, of which only the four or five assigned teaching subjects are tested.
The entrance to senior high school is also undergoing a drastic change. The joint entrance examination of senior high school will be completely abolished in 2001. The result of Basic Competency Test of Junior High School will become the main criteria for senior high school for selecting students and/or approving the admission- -application.
2. Scheme of Basic Competency Test for Junior High School Students
In correspondence to the reform of senior high school entrance admission, a Scheme of Basic Competency Test for Junior High School Students has been envisaged to be enforced in 2000. In contrast to the achievement test of previous joint entrance examination, the Basic Competency Test aims to evaluate the students' fundamental knowledges and skills. The students can take one or multiple times test. They can choose the best one result of the tests to apply for the admission to the senior high schools. The test contents are confined to the subject categories as defined by Nine-year Integrated Curricula.
3.Nine-year Integrated Curricula
Among reform initiatives, the Nine-year Integrated Curricula starting 2001 is the most influential education innovation, which will bring about not only structural, but also substantial educational changes. The new curricula will significantly simplify in the treatment of the great diversity of subjects in elementary and junior high schools (1st to 9th grades). Previously the elementary and junior high school subjects are taught separately and are not linked with each other in functions. With the new curricula the teaching subjects (from grade 1 to grade 9) will be integrated into the following categories:
1." Languages and Literature" will include the four language skills of listening, speaking, reading and writing- the basic abilities of efficient communication.
2." Physical and Mental Health" will include physical and mental development, and athletic skills.
3." Social Sciences" will cover motifs such as history and culture, geographic environment, social system and civic responsibilities.
4." Arts and Humanities" will be divided into music, fine arts and performing arts.
5." Mathematics" will focus on solving process and inferring abilities.
6." Nature and Sciences" will cover themes such as resources and energy, natural life and environment.
7." Multiple Activities" will contain group programs and activities such as counseling and resource utilization.
In addition, schools are authorized the right to design their own curricula with local feathers, even with schools' unique characteristics. Therefore all the schools will have to set up curriculum-developing committees to design their own teaching materials and activities.
To enforce the new reform programs, the business of the greatest urgency at present is to affirm the nation's education resources and preparation. All the teachers have to participate urgently in the in-service training programs in order to adjust their teaching methods and teaching attitudes so as to meet the change of curricula.
IV. TRENDS AND ISSUES
Based on the above discussions, the following trends of education reform in Taiwan can be observed:
1.The introduction of market mechanism into educational process has forced governments to reduce their control over education.
2.Through pursuing social goals and international competitiveness, education in Taiwan has turned to individual dignity, value and learning needs.
3.Children's educational right, parents' right to choose suitable education types for their children and teachers' professional autonomy are duly respected and protected.
4.Multiple channels of admission to senior high schools and universities are designed to secure substantial educational equality and social justice.
5.Flexible integrated curriculum is designed to meet individual, social needs and to cultivate competent citizens with international vision.
6.Learning society is under the process of planning to secure continuous national development.
However, serious educational problems are also caused by the imbalance between competition and social justice, between power of private sector, parents, school and government. Most of the teachers are in need of in-service training to adapt their teaching methods and attitudes so as to meet the challenges of educational reform.
Furthermore, ideology conflicts seem inevitably to be found behind the afore-mentioned education reform measures in Taiwan. In order to form her own national and cultural identity, Taiwan tries every possible to get ride of Japanese colonial influence and escape from China-oriented nationalism. An increase of the teaching material of local history and geography as well as local arts is evidently seen in the recent curriculum reform at very school level. In the wake of pluralism and mutual respect of all the ethnic groups in Taiwan, varieties of Taiwanese dialects have become the required courses in the primary school in contrast to their prohibition in favour of the monopoly of Mandarin in school curriculum under the Martial Law control before 1987. All in all, local or indigenous forms of knowledge and value are cherished in the recent education reform.
Localization is not, however, the only way of education reform leading to form self-identity and national posperity for Taiwan. The world today, as the Joint Statement of the Second APEC Education Ministerial Meeting (APEC, 2000) declare," is now truly the global village it was once envisaged to be. ". The advancement of science and technology, has make all parts of the world much more interconnected and mutual interdependent. Global economic and social trends will have impacts on the educational development. Internationalization of education is thus necessary to open the door for better mutual understanding and appreciation of rich diversities. It is in this spirit of the age that makes Taiwan take internationalization as one of the major mottos in the education reform. The measures for promoting educational internationalization includes mainly training teachers for English courses in primary schools, instituting systems of transfer of credits between universities, creating inter-university and international programs, enhancing budget for inviting foreign visiting scholars and assisting students to study abroad, etc. All the measures aim to help students acquire new knowledge about other cultures and countries.
Tensions between internationalization and localization seem to be arising in education reform. However, internationalization should not be confined to the understanding of other cultures and interchanges of the values and knowledges in international arena. Internationalization, as an overarching objective, is defined by R. M. Paige and J. A. Mestenhauser (1999: 504) as " a complex, multidimensional learning process that includes the integrative, intercultural, interdisciplinary, comparative, transfer of knowledge-technology, contextual and global dimensions of knowledge construction. It is an international mind-set leading to further construction of knowledge and value attitude. Only this perspective can resolve the ideology conflicts in Taiwan education reform. Localization of education will make Taiwanese people aware better their own cultural roots so as to give them points of reference that enable them to determine their place in the world. This clear cultural self-identity is the starting point of learning process towards understanding and respect for the cultures and spiritual value of various civilizations. The final ideal of education reform in Taiwan should therefore lie in the harmonious integration of localization and internationalization that leads to help people have a better self understanding and understanding of the world.
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